Max Glebow
Prohibition of Interference. Book 4. Asymmetric response

Chapter 1

Marshal Shaposhnikov listened to me without interrupting me, and spent almost a minute pondering what he had heard. I waited patiently, understanding how difficult it was for the Chief of General Staff to believe the information he received from me.

“We are not ready for such a war,” the Marshal finally answered. “Your assumption sounds logical, but it needs to be verified by reconnaissance. Such decisions are not made only on the basis of a hypothesis.”

“If the Germans use chemical weapons suddenly, it will demoralize our troops, and the probability of the enemy's unblocking of the Moscow Pocket would increase dramatically. I think this is what the German General Staff's whole plan is based on. Comrade Marshal, we have two or three weeks at most. Then it will be too late. After all, we have scouts, we have partisans. We need to give them a specific task. Such extensive preparations for a chemical attack cannot be completely concealed. Sooner or later my words will be confirmed by facts, but it may be too late.”

“Are you suggesting that we start preparing to use our chemical weapons? Bringing mustard gas and phosgene shells to the front-line depots? Suppliers are struggling to supply the troops with regular ammunition and food in a timely manner, and you want to clog our communications with supplies that may not be needed at all.”

“I am not suggesting that, Comrade Marshal. I consider chemical weapons a barbaric means of warfare, especially when used against civilians. I know that it was used quite extensively in World War I, and in the Civil War, but this practice only strengthens my opinion that sane people would never use it. Therefore, I believe that our chemical troops should focus on protecting the army from chemical weapons, and not on retaliating using such weapons.”

“I don't understand,” Shaposhnikov looked at me with a mixture of surprise and mistrust on his face. “Are you suggesting, Comrade Nagulin, that we tolerate chemical strikes from the enemy and do not respond?”

“We will answer,” I grinned slightly, “and we will respond in such a way as to discourage Hitler forever from further use of poisonous substances. But who says our answer has to be chemical?”

“Explain your point, Lieutenant Colonel.”

“Chemical weapons are highly weather dependent. Their effectiveness hinges on wind direction, air temperature and humidity, and other weather factors such as rain or snow. In addition, a well-trained soldier is able to protect himself from the effects of a chemical munition, and even civilians will suffer fewer casualties from this weapon than from conventional bombs if proper measures are taken. The Germans know this and are probably preparing carefully now, hoping that when the H-hour comes, they will be in a better position compared to our soldiers and commanders. It makes no sense to respond to them with chemical weapons – conventional munitions would work better against the Germans. Besides, we have something to "please" the enemy even without the poisonous substances.”

“Is there something I don't know about the contents of our arsenals?” Shaposhnikov arched his eyebrow slightly.

“This weapon is still in the experimental stage, Comrade Marshal, but it has such high combat potential, that it makes sense to concentrate on bringing it to production as soon as possible. I'm talking about fuel air explosives and thermite mixtures.”

“I'm aware of the thermite mixtures,” the Marshal nodded. “They are used in incendiary bombs and shells. These are highly specialized munitions that have never before been used outside the limited range of applications for which they were created. But this is really the first time I've heard of a fuel-air explosion.”

“I came across information about this research in the process of building a grenade launcher and a warhead for a cruise missile. I had to study a large body of specialized literature on explosives. Our industry, unfortunately, is unable to produce hexogen in sufficient quantities, and I was looking for options to replace it.”

“Were you able to find it?”

“To some extent. After six months of war, we had a severe shortage of explosives and gunpowder. The seizure of a number of plants by the enemy and the evacuation of industry only exacerbated this situation. We encircled Army Group Center, but used up almost all the accumulated stocks of shells and bombs. Now that the Germans recover a little, regroup, and attempt to unblock their troops, it's not quite clear to me what we're going to fight back with. That is why I immediately rejected the idea of loading the existing facilities with new developments – they can't cope as it is.”

“That makes sense,” Shaposhnikov nodded.

“As it turned out, some of the traditional explosives can be replaced by mixtures previously not used in shells and bombs. I think you are well aware that in coal mines and flour mills there are sometimes violent explosions with loss of life and considerable destruction. Such explosion is the rapid combustion of fine particles suspended in the air within an enclosed location. Flour and coal, of course, are far from the best choices for combat use. There are much more effective components. For example, ethylene oxide. This substance is already produced by our chemical industry, albeit not in very large quantities, but if necessary, its output can be increased. I will not bore you with the details, but I am ready to propose a design of ammunition based on this principle. In developing it, I paid special attention to manufacturability. Its design turned out to be relatively uncomplicated and is unlikely to cause difficulties when mastered in industry.”

“What stage is this development at?”

“So far I have only drawings, Comrade Marshal. In order to produce and test the first samples as quickly as possible, we need a decision, that will come from the top.”

“Does Comrade Beria know?”

“Yes, he does. The People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs gave me great support in the process of developing the project. I was given unfettered access to the secret developments of the secret design bureaus operating under the auspices of the NKVD and a staff of design engineers. I couldn't have done it that fast on my own.”

“Your way of promoting your developments violates all the norms accepted in the USSR,” grinned Shaposhnikov, “but after the combat use of the grenade launchers, everyone turns a blind eye to it. Feedback from the units that have already received the first small batches of RGN-1s is unanimous: "Give more and as much as possible!" Okay, I understand about the fuel-air explosion. What about thermite mixtures?”

“Thermite shells have been known for quite a long time, as well as the mixtures used to make them. They are mostly used in incendiary ammunition, but so far they have not proven themselves as universal weapons for one very important reason – thermite projectiles have not been used in a truly massive way, when the effect of their action adds up. The combustion temperature of a mixture of iron oxide, aluminum powder and barium nitrate can exceed 3,000 degrees. A single thermite shell is capable of causing a fire, but if several dozen such shells fall on a relatively small area simultaneously, neither armor, nor trenches, nor even dugouts would protect the enemy – everything would burn. Except that the hits must cover the entire target area at the same time or with a very small time difference. This effect is hard to achieve with conventional artillery, but we have at least two types of weapons for which the thermite mixture is best suited. These are "Katyushas" and cluster bombs. I'll be honest, I didn't have time to prepare a proposal for bombs, but everything turned out better than I thought for the BM-13 rockets. A lot had already been done before me, so I just had to make some adjustments and speed up the development and testing process.”

“And you think this will be enough to counter the chemical threat?”

“I think so. Both thermite weapons and fuel air explosives can have a strong demoralizing effect on enemy soldiers. In fact, we can't really mass-produce such shells and bombs – the industry isn't ready for it, and the stockpiles would quickly run out, but Hitler doesn't know that. If our troops show resistance to chemical attacks and we use these new developments at the same time, there is a good chance that, with the mediation of neutral countries, we can negotiate with the Germans to cease their use of chemical warfare agents in exchange for our rejection of thermite shells and fuel air explosives.”

Shaposhnikov thoughtfully walked over to the map showing the current situation near Moscow. The enormous Moscow Pocket has managed to shrink somewhat over the past week. Despite orders from the Führer, the Germans were retreating from the outskirts of the Soviet capital, seeking to condense the front and free up forces for the upcoming breakthrough from the encirclement.

“I'll voice your suggestions at the meeting of the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command,” the Marshal finally turned to me. “Your assumptions about the enemy's preparations for the use of chemical weapons are still unsupported, but what you suggest could have a significant effect without any threat of a chemical attack. Nevertheless, I share your opinion on the necessity of fully strengthening the chemical protection of the troops and will insist on an immediate solution to this problem.”

* * *

Richtengden's mood was by no means upbeat, but today at least he could report to his superiors the concrete results of the analytical work done by his group, and that reconciled the Colonel somewhat with the grim reality.

“Herr General, permission!”

“Come in, Colonel. How are your nerves? You won't ask to go to the front again?”

“Thank you, that's better. Intensive work is the best cure for depression. I will still ask to go to the front, only this time not as a commander of an infantry battalion, but still in my former capacity,” Richtengden allowed himself a slight smile.

“Yes, now I see you're really all right,” grinned the General, “I'm listening to you, Colonel.”

“By now we have accumulated a considerable amount of data on the actions of the Russian marksman in various circumstances, and this allows us to determine the limits of his capabilities with sufficient accuracy.”

“So are we talking about one marksman or several shooters?” The General interrupted his subordinate.

“One marksman. Just one marksman so far. A more detailed analysis of the damage sustained by our planes showed that the second sniper was clearly no match for Nagulin. He may be a pretty capable student, but he doesn't compare to the marksman himself. Based on the rate of fire of the Panzerbüchse-38 and the testimony of the survivors of the battle, it can be concluded that during the battle the second sniper fired about 40 shots, allowing at least 80 percent of misses. Given the complexity of the targets, it is an excellent result, but no more than that. Nothing supernatural. Nagulin would hit 30 times out of 40.”

“That's a relief,” the General nodded. “Carry on.”

“So, let us return to the possibilities of the marksman. We have come to the conclusion that, for all their unusualness, they do have clear boundaries. Practice has shown that the marksman, armed with a large-caliber automatic weapon, can confidently withstand an attack by five or six planes, and only in the situation when they attack other targets than himself. If there are more planes, the objects defended by the marksman begin to take casualties. The marksman was unable to thwart the simultaneous bombing of 20 Ju-87s, even despite the support of a second sniper. The bombers managed to make two approaches and inflicted substantial damage on the enemy infantry. I think if they had attacked not the Russian trenches, but Nagulin himself, the result would have been very sad for him.”

“At last I hear something encouraging,” said the General, strolling leisurely through the office.

“That's not all. Three times the marksman led the actions of the night bombers. In the Kremenchuk area he did it from the ground, and then he twice controlled groups of ten TB-7s and Yer-2s at Kiev and Vyazma. Ten planes is his limit. He can, of course, assemble a larger group, but he cannot manage them effectively. His groups suffered significant losses on both occasions, even when there were only ten wingmen.”

“They were justified losses,” objected the General. “The result achieved by the Russians at both Kiev and Vyazma could not be compared with the loss of several heavy bombers.”

“No doubt,” Richtengden didn't argue, “but that's not the point. The main conclusion from what has been said is that, while betting on the latest achievements of our engineers, we have missed one simple but important nuance – the Russian successfully fights single targets and is not bad against several opponents, even if they are our latest developments, but he simply does not have time to be effective against a large number of conventional planes like the Ju 87.”

“Are you suggesting to pelt Nagulin with corpses, Colonel?” asked the General with doubt in his voice. It was clear that he was thinking hard about the information he had received, but had not yet come to any definite conclusions.

“To be perfectly cynical, one could say that,” Richtengden shrugged. “Casualties will inevitably be high, but it is not so easy to destroy such an unusual enemy.”

“Then what is your idea?”

“The marksman has been practically inactive at the front for a week now. I think the Russians are preparing something. Herr General, what do you think is our most vulnerable point right now, a strike on which could significantly disrupt all of our plans?”

“The air bridge created by the Luftwaffe to supply troops caught in the Moscow Pocket,” the General answered without hesitation. “Reichsmarshal Göring was able to surpass himself. Our troops in the south and near Leningrad groan from the lack of effective air support, but more than a thousand transport planes under dense fighter cover uninterruptedly deliver supplies to the encircled troops, and Russian aviation can do nothing about it, although there have been attempts. Fortunately, they were unsuccessful. The enemy had lost too many planes, supporting his tank offensive at Vyazma, and had simply run out of steam.”

“I have come to a similar conclusion, Herr General,” Richtengden nodded. “I think this is where we should expect another attack of the marksman. Except that he prefers to fly out at night, and the air bridge operates during the day.”

“Night strikes on airfields are possible. This has already happened in Nagulin's practice.”

“We're ready for this kind of development,” the Colonel objected, “The airfields of transport planes are well protected, and the planes themselves are dispersed and thoroughly camouflaged at night.”

“And how do you think Nagulin will act?”

“I think he's going to control the fire from the ground. The Russian 85 mm anti-aircraft 52-k guns can fire at aerial targets at altitudes up to ten kilometers, while our Junkers transport planes do not go above six kilometers. In addition, Heinkel He-111 bombers involved in cargo transports have a practical ceiling of 8,000 meters. At these heights the Russian anti-aircraft gunners rarely manage to hit our planes, but if the marksman takes over…”

“Okay, let's say that's the case. What's next?”

“And then everything is simple enough. As soon as any of our groups of transport planes come under abnormally accurate fire from the ground, we will know exactly where the marksman is at the moment. One of our cover fighters will immediately signal the air strike group, which we will have to prepare urgently and keep in constant readiness for departure. As soon as its commander receives the signal, he will lift his machines into the sky and strike at the position of the Russian anti-aircraft guns controlled by Nagulin.”

“The marksman will surely be well protected,” objected the General. “I think at the first sign of an air attack, he will immediately take cover in some secure shelter. I'm sure the Russians will try to build a dugout for him that can only be destroyed by a direct hit from a heavy bomb. And there is also the option of controlling fire by radio, as he has done repeatedly.”

“Anti-aircraft fire requires an immediate response to aircraft maneuvers. There will inevitably be delays when using a radio, and firing efficiency will drop dramatically. I'm sure the marksman will take the place of the gunner in one of the anti-aircraft guns or lead the crew of the anti-aircraft battery fire control unit. Besides, I don't think Nagulin will run to the dugout if we attack,” Richtengden grinned. “Even though he is an Untermensch, he never once gave us a reason to doubt his courage. He will not abandon his comrades and will try to repel the raid. But even if he is ordered and forcibly evacuated to a dugout, we have a means of making sure he does not leave this position alive.”

“Is this some kind of novelty again?”

“Naturally. It would be too presumptuous to count on the guaranteed destruction of the marksman without such surprises. Three years ago, in 1938, our scientists, trying to create a powerful new pesticide, synthesized a substance that completely changed our understanding of toxic gases. This organophosphorus nerve agent was called sarin. Its advantage is that it affects people not only through the respiratory organs, but also through the skin. The only way to protect oneself from sarin is to wear a full hazmat suit, which I'm sure Nagulin won't have. Industrial production of this gas has not yet been mastered anywhere in the world, but as I found out, with the help of experimental facilities we have already produced about 20 kilograms of sarin. Given its extreme toxicity, this is enough to equip several dozen aerial bombs, which we would use in conjunction with conventional high-explosive and fragmentation munitions.”

The General looked at Richtengden with a long, mixed feeling look. The very idea of using poisonous substances in war was clearly not to his liking, but the Colonel's suggestion had a rational basis. The Führer, by his personal order, authorized the use of war gases, and now the Abwehr had its hands free in this matter as well.

“By using sarin gas against the position of the Russian anti-aircraft gunners, we can disrupt the plans of the Wehrmacht command to conduct a surprise chemical attack on the Russian troops,” the General raised his final objection.

“I don't think it matters anymore. The transfer of Kleist's Panzer Group to Vyazma is almost complete. We are only days away from the start of our offensive. The Russians simply would not have time to do anything, even if they realized in time what they were dealing with.”

“You may be right, but I cannot authorize such an operation without the approval of Admiral Kanaris and Reichsmarshal Göring. It may well require the personal approval of the Führer. Nevertheless, you should begin preparations immediately. With all the problems the marksman has already created for us, I'm sure your plan will be approved fairly quickly and without significant changes.”

* * *

“Comrade Zhukov, are you sure that the enemy is really able to organize a sufficient supply of food and ammunition for the surrounded troops?”

“That depends on what is considered sufficient, Comrade Stalin. The cargoes delivered by the Germans by air would certainly not be sufficient to maintain the combat effectiveness of Army Group Center for a long time. However, we all understand that the enemy is preparing a breakthrough, and we will not have to wait long for a German offensive. Surrounded troops can hold out on that supply for a couple of weeks, and then everything will depend on our ability to repel an unblocking strike.”

Stalin nodded, cast a brief glance at the map and turned to Shaposhnikov.

“Boris Mikhailovich, how do you assess the ability of our troops to prevent the ring of encirclement from being broken through?”

“The situation is not easy, Joseph Vissarionovich. We put ourselves out too much, closing the pocket and repelling enemy counterattacks. The number of divisions was reduced to two or three thousand men. Tank brigades have lost up to 60 percent of their combat vehicles, and the artillery is short of shells. The situation with aviation, unfortunately, is even more complicated. We failed to shake German air superiority, and after the losses we suffered, the balance of power shifted even more in favor of the enemy. Nevertheless, we now have a fairly stable position on the outer front of the encirclement, and if the enemy limits itself to a blow from the outside, our chances of holding out are quite high, but we can hardly count on the Germans inside the ring to behave passively. As long as the Luftwaffe deliver fuel and ammunition to them, we cannot ignore the possibility of their strike towards the Kleist tanks. Besides,” Shaposhnikov hesitated slightly, “there is one more circumstance. So far, these are just the conclusions of analysts, but I would not disregard them.”

“Go on, Boris Mikhailovich,” Stalin raised an eyebrow slightly, “my comrades and I are listening to you attentively.”

* * *

I didn't like the order I got. This was probably the first time the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command decided to use my capabilities of their own free will, rather than on my own initiative.

I was well aware that the air bridge created by Göring had become a pain in the ass for Comrade Stalin and his generals. As a result of the counteroffensive at Moscow, the Red Army had taken such a large and fat bite that it was now having obvious problems to chew it up. And the bite itself was very tasty, but slimy and wily, and it wanted to slip out of the mouth at any second. Now the solution to this problem, or rather its most unpleasant part, was entrusted to the humble Lieutenant Colonel Nagulin.

Why? Did you let the bridge over the Dnieper sink? Yes, you did! So now you'll bring down the air bridge with similar success, and we'll help you. And if you fail, we're sorry…

However, there was another problem that worried me even more than the task of giving Reichsmarschall Göring a good thrashing, that suddenly fell to me. The Headquarters of the Supreme High Command took my conclusions about a chemical attack being prepared without due attention. They did not dismiss Shaposhnikov's words, but did not take them seriously either, just made a formulaic entry in the minutes of the meeting in the style of "to step up training…, to check the availability of necessary equipment in the troops…, to correct drawbacks…" and everything in the same vein. The air bridge and the impending attack by Kleist's tanks worried the Soviet leadership far more than some hypothetical chemical threat.

Nevertheless, Shaposhnikov realized that there really was a problem, especially after the Commissariat of Beria found among the messages of partisan detachments a report on the discovery of shells with incomprehensible markings in the form of circular stripes of different colors in one of the cars of a German train that had been derailed. The guerrillas did not have time to examine these shells in detail, perhaps to their luck, but noted this fact in the report.

“Comrade Marshal, we just need to prepare at least a few units capable of operating effectively in a chemically contaminated area. It is they who will be able to keep the front from falling apart if Hitler does decide to use poisonous substances.”

Shaposhnikov did not think long, and, in my opinion, took a quite adequate decision.

“In the Kalinin area, two new tank brigades and a rifle division are now completing their formation. After completing the task assigned to you by the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command, you will go there as a representative of the General Staff and organize the necessary preparations. I will support any reasonable reinforcement of these units with chemical troops. But right now you need to concentrate on cutting off the supply of the Moscow Pocket by air. By the end of the day, the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command wait for your suggestions.”

I left Shaposhnikov, to put it mildly, not in the best mood. What can I do against a horde of transport planes, densely covered by evil Messerschmitts? Use my "air defense cruiser," a homemade conversion of the TB-7? That's ridiculous. In the daytime, the Messerschmitts would pile in and tear it to shreds, losing at best a few planes. We could, of course, bomb airfields at night, but that would probably do little, and our losses would probably be heavy – the Germans are no fools, and they learn from their own experience very quickly.

So I have to use anti-aircraft guns, they're not bad in the Red Army, but it's not so easy here either. A stationary bridge over the Dnieper River or enemy tanks and armored personnel carriers huddled in a small area is one thing, but aircraft flying at high altitude is quite another.

The muzzle velocity of the only flak suitable for my targets is 800 meters per second. The projectile will have to fly seven to eight kilometers, and mostly upwards. It will reach its target in 15 seconds or even 20 seconds after the shot. During this time, the aircraft can make several maneuvers, both horizontally and vertically. And if you consider that there are over a thousand of these planes, I'll just get pretty tired of shooting them down. This will take several months, which no one will give me, and, above all, the Germans themselves will not give me any time.

Chapter 2

I continued to live in Lubyanka, which suited me fine, since it allowed me to see Lena regularly. Together with Ignatov and Nikiforov she became subordinate to Lieutenant Colonel Lebedev, who, at my request, began to prepare from them a combat troika of saboteurs. Lena entered as a sniper, Ignatov as a grenade launcher, and Nikiforov was assigned the role of machine gunner.

Depending on the task at hand, the group of saboteurs could also include other fighters. For example, a radio operator, a sapper, a guide, or two or three gunners who were members of the grenade launcher and machine gun teams, but three soldiers always formed the core of the group. Lebedev liked my idea and was preparing several such threesomes at once, but only Lena and the sergeants continued to serve in Moscow next to me, even though I didn't seem to be directly involved with them anymore.

I shook my head, bringing my thoughts back to the matter at hand. I immediately dismissed the idea of sitting in the gunner's seat of one of the anti-aircraft guns myself, since I obviously would not be able to shoot down so many planes, to make a big difference in a few days.

I was sitting and thinking about the situation when the door opened and Lena walked quietly into the room.

“What's the matter?” She asked worriedly when she saw my grim face.

“Well, nothing bad's happened yet,” I tried to smile as nonchalantly as possible, “It's just that the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command want me to break the Germans' air bridge to the Moscow Pocket, and I'm trying to figure out if I'm up to the task of breaking it.”

“If the bosses think you can do it, then be kind enough to break it,” Lena replied without smiling, but I could see from her eyes that she didn't really mean it.

“Maybe you can tell me how to do it?” I asked just as jokingly.

“What's there to think about?” Lena was surprised, “Who set you the task?”

“Comrade Shaposhnikov did.”

“There!” Lena said, holding up her index finger, “Which means what? It means that your resources are virtually unlimited. You're not a battalion or regiment commander, for whom such an order would be absurd. You are a direct subordinate of the Chief of General Staff. That is, you have to carry out this order with the help of the units and formations that the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command will allocate for the task at hand. Have you been told what you can dispose of yet?”

“No,” I looked at Lena with surprise, she suddenly showed herself in a completely unexpected way. “They're expecting an operation plan from me by this evening.”

“So what's the problem? You didn't have a problem pointing heavy howitzers at ground targets, so why would it be different with aerial targets? Remember how many guns were working for you near Moscow. Many hundreds! I do not think that, having set such a task, the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command will be greedy in forces and means. Ask for as many anti-aircraft guns and planes as you need. Without any false modesty, which, however, as far as I know, you don't have,” Lena smiled.

I looked at my girlfriend in silence. Her simple words acted as a switch for my brain, that put my mind in the right direction. After all, it's true that I should no longer rely solely on my own abilities. If I want to get to a really strategic level, it's time to bring in resources of an appropriate scale. And this task will be another test for me. It was not for nothing that the order sounded so abstract. The means of carrying it out are left entirely up to me, which means that the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command wish to see, how I'm going to get out of this situation.

“Lena, you're good,” I caught her hand and pulled her to me.

“Come on,” she waved me off, putting her hands on my chest, “What did I say that was so important?”

“It's up to me to decide if it's important or not,” I wrapped my arms around her tighter and lifted her slightly. Lena let out a soft chuckle and tried to wriggle out, but she didn't try very hard.

* * *

Sergeant Serova almost missed Lebedev's class on general sabotage training and left my room in quite a hurry, and I, after mindlessly lying in bed for a few minutes, got the computer to give me a reference about the flight routes and tactics of German transport planes.

The Germans had enough airfields inside the Moscow Pocket. The perimeter of the encirclement was gradually shrinking, of course, but the enemy could still safely receive transport planes in a dozen places, and this ensured the rapid distribution of received supplies to units and formations.

It cannot be said that the Luftwaffe was able to completely ignore our aircraft, but the Germans quickly found effective tactics to counteract the few Soviet fighters. They did not stretch their Messerschmitts along the routes of the transport planes, and besides, they would not have had enough fighters to do so. The Junkers and Heinkels flew in tight groups of 30–50 planes at an altitude of about 5,000 meters. Such a group of planes could defend itself even without fighter cover, keeping a tight machine-gun fire on any enemy who dared to approach it. Nevertheless, there was a cover-up. The Messerschmitts patrolled the skies directly over the transport planes and ahead on their course, making sure no one tried to hurt their clumsy wards.

The anti-aircraft gunners, of course, tried to bombard the Germans over the territory occupied by our troops, but the enemy was constantly changing flight paths, and the Soviet commanders could not guess where exactly the anti-aircraft guns should be concentrated. The enemy, of course, had losses, but I would not call them significant. This was the situation I needed to change.

To begin with, I tried to estimate the forces that were already present in the sector between the inner and outer fronts of the encirclement, which was not too wide. There were a surprising number of anti-aircraft guns. Why be surprised, though? We had to make up for German air superiority in some way, otherwise it would have been difficult for the ground troops. Rifle divisions did not have 85 mm anti-aircraft guns. They were combined into anti-aircraft regiments of 16 guns each and into anti-tank brigades, where these guns acted as regular guns. Now it was up to me to extract all this wealth from the clinging hands of commanders at various levels in the name of achieving the single goal of destroying the German air bridge.

Around 7 p.m. I was already in Shaposhnikov's office with the report that the operation plan was ready. The Marshal accepted the folder from my hands and asked me to tell him the main idea. I said it.

“The air defense positioning areas?” Shaposhnikov said thoughtfully, listening carefully to my report. “This idea is unusual, but generally understandable. However, that is not all. You want to ensure high mobility of anti-aircraft units by saturating them with tractors beyond the norms… It won't be easy to do, and I'm afraid the equipment will have to be taken away from the artillery regiments…”

“Comrade Marshal, without mobility we can't do anything. Anti-aircraft regiments must be able to maneuver quickly within the position area, otherwise the enemy will simply start routing transport planes to bypass the identified air defense sites and try to suppress them with artillery and aviation. ”

“Okay, let's say you're right. But there is another questionable point in your plan – controlling the fire of several position areas from a single center. As I understand it, you want to transmit data directly, by radio and telephone, for input to PUAZO-3s, the artillery anti-aircraft fire control devices?”

“Yes, Comrade Marshal.”

“How do you plan to have time to receive data from radars and air defense posts, process it and transmit it to the 12 position areas? The slightest delay in data transmission will cause them to lose relevance. Are you sure you can handle it?”

“I'm sure. If it weren't for PUAZO, I really wouldn't have time to do all this, but these automatic devices will do some of the work for me, and the anti-aircraft batteries would be able to open fire in time. In addition, all 12 regiments of 52k are unlikely to fire at the same time.”

Artillery anti-aircraft fire control unit PUAZO-3. Developed in 1939. In August 1940 it passed testing, was accepted for service and put into series production. A significant disadvantage of PUAZO-3 was the large combat crew of seven men, who manually entered into PUAZO the data taken from the rangefinder about the range, altitude, and direction of target movement, as well as meteorological data on wind speed and air temperature and humidity. Another problem was that the PUAZO-3, like similar devices of previous models, provided data only on visually observed targets.

To be honest, the PUAZO-3s, with which the batteries of 85mm anti-aircraft guns were equipped, were very primitive devices, but for the 1940s of the 20th century they represented a significant step forward in anti-aircraft fire control. A crew of seven men entered data from rangefinders and radars into the PUAZO, the device calculated the coordinates of the target and lead and transmitted data to the guns for firing.

For me the value of this system was that the anti-aircraft gunners were good with it and I had no need to control the fire of each gun, but I could greatly increase the accuracy of the data, entered into the fire control device, and that should have made a big difference in the efficiency of the firing.

“Okay,” Shaposhnikov finally made a decision, “I will present your plan to the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command. I hope, Comrade Nagulin, you realize the degree of responsibility you are taking on. To conduct this operation, we will have to overhaul the entire system of anti-aircraft coverage of the outer front of the encirclement.”

* * *

The air bridge was impressive. The satellites allowed me to see it in all its glory. This was probably the first time in Earth's history that a warring party has conducted such a large-scale supply operation using transport aircraft.

Of course, no uninterrupted line of planes flying in a chain stretching for hundreds of kilometers was observed.This tactic can be used only in the absence of any opposition from the enemy. A stretched chain of transport planes can be attacked anywhere, and there are not enough fighters to cover the whole 'sausage'. Therefore, the Germans used the method of "air convoys", they gathered Junkers and Heinkels in groups and escorted them to the airfields in the Moscow Pocket.

There were five or seven air groups in the air at one time. Together with their fighters, they each had about 50 planes. The Germans chose different routes, but in any case they had to overcome the territory occupied by our troops.

I, of course, could not predict the path of each particular plane, but the computer processed an array of information on all German flights into the pocket and identified the most promising locations for the deployment of air defense positioning areas. Now any group of Luftwaffe transport planes trying to break through to the surrounded troops would come within range of at least one of my 12 anti-aircraft regiments, on average, three times out of five.

In case the Germans changed their flight patterns, reserve positions were prepared in each area, and the anti-aircraft gunners could quickly move their 85 mm guns there. Naturally, the armament of the air defense position areas was not limited to 52-K guns alone. The medium-caliber anti-aircraft guns, not very effective against low-flying targets, were densely covered by automatic guns of the more modest caliber – 37 and 20 millimeters.

My interaction with the range and radar posts, as usual, was largely a spectacle, and I was honestly playing my part in this one-actor theater. To those around me, the scheme of my work looked something like this: the RUS-2 "Redoubt" radar stations were the first to spot groups of German planes. These stations transmitted data on the altitude, course and speed of the target to my command post. Then the airborne observation, warning, and communications posts set up surveillance of the enemy, and when it became clear whose area of responsibility the Junkers were flying into, I put the appropriate air defense positioning area on alert.

It was believed that, based on the information I received from the rangefinder and radar posts, I would calculate the initial data for the PUAZO and transmit it to the batteries of 85 mm anti-aircraft guns by radio in telegraph mode. In reality, of course, all this could not work, but I tried very hard to make my tumultuous activities look as realistic as possible. In fact, it was the computer transmitting data for the PUAZO to the batteries via the nearest satellite. For the radio operators who received these signals and the anti-aircraft fire control device teams, as well as for the soldiers and commanders who helped me organize the work at the command post, everything looked quite natural. The signals, of course, passed without any delays and interference, and were corrected by the computer, taking into account the time required for data input and processing.

It took three days to deploy and set up the air defense system. I closely followed the movements of the Germans. So far, they were not ready to launch either a conventional or a chemical attack. According to my estimates, the enemy needed about a week more, so I had some time at my disposal, although knowing the Germans, I could expect them to strike in a shorter time.

“Comrade Lieutenant Colonel, the check is over. All communication channels are functioning normally. We can switch the flow of data to you.”

“Turn it on.”

I put on my headphones and sat down in a chair around which there were transmission equipment and telephone exchange on the tables and on the floor. All this electromechanical equipment was flashing with a multitude of neon lights and scales of devices, and there was a multitude of wires all around. I reminded myself of a character in a rather funny comedy about a mad professor who fell into the past together with his student; the film I had seen as a child, a long time ago.

The first report came in just a couple of minutes.

“"Mole", this is "Owl 4". We have a signal! Target is group. Altitude 5,300, speed 320, distance 105, course… ”

Within a short time I received reports of two more groups of German planes. In fact, there were more of them, but not all of them were in the field of vision of the "Redoubts". Well, the first to go into battle was the air defense positioning area south of Vyazma, and then two more anti-aircraft regiments would have to act, unless, of course, the Germans decided to change course abruptly. In fact, they didn't usually do that, though, and I saw no reason for the enemy to change his habits yet.

“"Viper-2", this is "Mole". There's a group of Junkers coming your way. Altitude 5,300. Approach time, 19 minutes. Prepare to receive data for fire control.”

* * *

By the beginning of the battle for Moscow, Oberleutnant Heinz Baer had already taken part in the Battle of Britain, where he almost died when his damaged Messerschmitt was shot down by a Spitfire that jumped out of the clouds and fell into the waters of the English Channel. To the pilot's misfortune this scene, not the most epic of his career, was observed from the shore by Reichsmarshal Göring himself, who did not fail to personally express to Bair, who was then still a non-commissioned officer, his highest displeasure. However, after his transfer to the Eastern Front he quickly began to increase his air victories, and in July 1941 he was promoted to lieutenant and awarded the Knight's Cross, and in August, when his total number of aircraft shot down exceeded 60, he received the Oak Leaves to his Cross.

The task of escorting slow transport planes did not please the aggressive fighter pilot. The Junkers, crawling in a tight group, limited his options, tying him down, and preventing him from doing the free hunting that the Oberleutnant loved so much.

Nevertheless, his position as team leader allowed him to take some liberties. In recent days Russian fighter attacks have been infrequent and rather harassing, so Baer ordered his wingman to follow him and, breaking away from the rest of the fighters, flew a couple of kilometers above the transport planes. As a result, the Oberleutnant was at a point very convenient for observing the covered Junkers and the surrounding sky. And there really was something to watch.

First, ahead, a little way off their course, many flashes flickered on the ground. Baer knew that the Russians had good anti-aircraft guns, theoretically capable of reaching enemy aircraft at altitudes of up to ten kilometers. Of course, they were no match for the German 88 mm FlaK, but sometimes they gave the Luftwaffe pilots a hard time.

The 40 Junkers, still in formation, continued to fly forward unperturbed. The first salvo from the Russians usually missed their targets, but it didn't seem to be this time. Most of the bursts occurred to the right and below the transport planes, but about a third of the shells exploded inside their order and scattered lots of shrapnel.

Three Ju-52s began to smoke and started to leave the formation with a descent. One of them began to turn around, while the other two apparently suffered more serious damage and did not take any maneuvers. Soon the domes of parachutes flashed in the sky behind these planes as the crews abandoned the doomed machines. However, the Oberleutnant noted it all only in passing. His attention was fixed on the surviving transport planes.

The Russian anti-aircraft guns kept their maximum rate of fire. For their caliber, one shot in three seconds was very good. The anti-aircraft gunners fired volleys, and to Baer's horror, each successive batch of shells was more and more accurate. Unable to withstand this beating, the Junkers broke formation in an attempt to disperse, but they were clearly too late – at least half the transport planes were already hurtling toward the ground, smoking thickly with burning engines or falling to pieces right in the air.

Now the Oberleutnant understood what the glossy Oberst from the Abwehr was talking about, who a couple of days ago was instructing all fighter group commanders, assigned to protect the air bridge. Baer turned on his radio transmitter, but all he heard in his headphones was a howl of interference. With a flap of his wings, he ordered his wingman to follow him and sent his Messerschmitt into a sharp turn with a descent. In the event of an interruption of radio communication, the order explicitly required Baer to return immediately to the airfield and report the coordinates of the position of the Russian anti-aircraft gunners, who demonstrated an accuracy of firing never seen before.

* * *

Oberleutnant Baer's report on the defeat of the group of Junkers guarded by his fighters caught Richtengden at the Luftwaffe Second Air Fleet's reserve command post. After listening to the cover group commander, the Colonel turned sharply to the officer on duty. He no longer had any doubts – the marksman was on the move.

“Hauptmann, get the special group in the air! The task is to attack Russian anti-aircraft positions south of Vyazma,” Richtengden himself took the sheet with the exact coordinates of the target from the communicator and handed it to the Luftwaffe officer.

Ten minutes later, 12 Messerschmitts and 32 Ju-87 dive bombers were in the air. For the first time on the Eastern Front, they carried not only high-explosive bombs but also chemical ones in their bomb chambers. The Colonel was well aware that right now he was committing the irreversible act that could change the entire balance of power in this war. Of course, his plan was coordinated at the very top, but it was he who came up with the idea and the decisive order also came out of his mouth, which means that he, too, will be responsible for the consequences.

Seven minutes passed in tense anticipation, which was suddenly interrupted by the sharp buzzer of the telephone.

“Herr Oberst, the Headquarters of the Eighth Air Corps is on the line.”

“I'm listening,” said the Colonel into the receiver.

“Herr Oberst, Hauptmann Meyer reports. The group of Heinkels, escorted by my squadron, was hit by Russian 85 mm anti-aircraft guns, lost more than half of its planes and was scattered. According to the order, I have to report such cases immediately…”

“I'm already aware of that, Hauptmann. Those anti-aircraft guns near Vyazma will soon be finished.”

“Excuse me, Herr Oberst, did you say near Vyazma? My air group came under Russian fire northeast of Rzhev.”

“Of Rzhev? Are you sure, Hauptmann?”

“We managed to spot the positions of the anti-aircraft guns. They are about 30 kilometers from the outer front of the encirclement. I'm ready to give you the exact coordinates.”

“Thank you, Hauptmann,” said Richtengden in a colorless voice, “the liaison officer on duty will take your coordinates.”

The Colonel pondered the information for about 15 seconds and then turned his gaze to the Luftwaffe officer.

“I need a connection with the special group. It's urgent! They must return to the airfield immediately!”

“There is no communication, Herr Oberst,” the officer on duty reported after a minute, “the airwaves are again clogged with these anomalous interference…”

The Hauptmann had no time to finish – he was interrupted by another call signal. Richtengden slowly turned to the communicator.

“Herr Oberst, this is Oberleutnant Eichenwald, Third Fighter Squadron, Eighth Air Corps.”

The Colonel silently took the receiver, already realizing what he was about to hear.

* * *

The "Redoubt" teams were unable to detect nearly five dozen German planes taking off from two nearby airfields, but the computer immediately drew my attention to something out of the usual pattern of enemy activity.

This new air group consisted exclusively of fighters and dive bombers. It did not have a single transport aircraft, hence, it had to perform tasks far removed from those of supplying the encircled German armies.

After a couple of minutes, when the enemy planes finally came together and lay on a course for Vyazma, their intentions became crystal clear to me. Unlike the transports, the dive bombers kept low, trying to stay close to the ground to reduce the chance of detection by radars and air traffic control stations.

“"Viper 2", this is "Mole". A group of dive-bombers covered by Messerschmitts is approaching you from the southwest. 30 to 40 Ju-87s. Flying time 12 minutes.”

“"Mole", this is "Viper 2". We got the information. Awaiting instructions.”

“You will not have time to change positions – you will be caught on the march. Prepare to repel the attack. 52-K cannons, take data for barrage fire. Small-caliber guns open fire at visual contact with the enemy.”

There was nothing else I could do to help the anti-aircraft gunners. My command post was almost a hundred kilometers away from their positions, and I could only watch the unfolding battle from orbit with clenched fists.

This group of dive bombers was clearly set up beforehand by the enemy. Apparently, the Germans again managed to predict my actions to some extent. In any case, they were clearly preparing in advance to foil the attempt to destroy the air bridge to the Moscow Pocket. But have they chosen the right means to do so? The decision to send dive bombers to attack an air defense area that is loaded with automatic cannons is quite controversial. There will inevitably be casualties on both sides, and they will be significant losses. Judging by the way the Germans approach the target, the Luftwaffe have not assembled a strike group of rookies, and I do not understand why the Germans are willing to risk their best pilots so much.

I didn't count much on the effectiveness of the 85 mm guns barrage fire. Nevertheless, as soon as the German planes crossed the invisible 15-kilometer line to the anti-aircraft positions, the 52-K guns sent 16 fragmentation shells toward them in a volley, to at least disrupt the formation and make the enemy pilots nervous.

In the three minutes it took the German planes to reach the anti-aircraft guns, the battery managed to make two dozen salvos. Theoretically, they could have fired faster, but the Germans were changing course, maneuvering, and this required the anti-aircraft gunners to constantly adjust their sights. To my surprise, their efforts were not wasted – two dive-bombers crashed into the forest and disappeared in the fiery flashes of detonated bombs.

The Messerschmitts were the first to attack. 12 planes, armed as fighter-bombers, swiftly jumped out from behind the trees of the nearest grove and dropped dozens of small fragmentation bombs on the anti-aircraft positions. However, the appearance of the enemy did not come as a surprise to the automatic gun crews; they had received advance warning of the impending attack, as well as information about the direction from which the attack was expected to come.

Fire trails stretched toward the Messerschmitts, they immediately crossed two planes and forced the other five fighters off their combat course. German planes flew low over gun positions, firing machine guns and dropping bombs. Shrapnel howled through the air and collected its deadly tribute, but the cannons were in the trenches, and this partly reduced the effectiveness of the bombardment. The barrels of the guns turned after the fighters coming out of the attack. One plane exploded in mid-air, two others were damaged and had to withdraw from the battle.

The attack by the Messerschmitts was only a prelude. Almost immediately after them dive bombers appeared over the anti-aircraft positions. They had to gain altitude first to approach the targets, which took some time, so their strike followed later than the fighters' attack. But now three dozen Junkers were falling almost steeply on the heads of the anti-aircraft gunners, and there was a terrifying howl in the air.

Some dive-bombers exploded in midair, tumbling down on the anti-aircraft trenches without dropping their deadly cargo, but most of the bombers still managed to break through the heavy fire and drop their bombs.

The density of anti-aircraft fire had decreased noticeably, but the air defense positioning area was still far from being destroyed when I saw something, that made me clench my fists to the point of pain. The computer sounded an alarm and illuminated the clouds of whitish fog rapidly spreading out from the bomb sites with a flashing orange light. On the left, at the edge of my field of vision, a chemical formula and a brief note about the gas used by the Germans popped up. It was something no country in the world had ever used before. No mustard gas, cyanogen chloride, lewisite, phosgene or adamsite. Sarin! It is a terrible nerve gas, which affects the nervous system, makes muscles involuntarily contract, causing respiratory arrest and a total loss of control over all bodily functions.

Where the clouds of gas spread over the ground, the fire of the anti-aircraft guns that had survived the bombs subsided instantly, and by the time the remaining 19 dive bombers began their second approach to their targets, only the individual small-caliber guns were firing on them, those had not yet been reached by the gas clouds.

“"Mole", this is "Viper 2". We are being attacked by unknown war gases! We've lost mid-caliber gun crews. The sticky slurry…”

Four minutes into the attack, fire from the ground ceased completely. In the freezing no-wind conditions, the entire position of the anti-aircraft gunners was covered with swirling clouds of poisonous fog that drifted into the trenches and dugouts, leaving no chance of survival for anyone who fell into the zone of chemical contamination.

“"Viper 2", respond to the "Mole"!” The on-duty communicator kept calling the anti-aircraft gunners.

“Stand down, Staff Sergeant, they won't answer,” I stopped the radio operator in a hoarse voice, “I need a connection with the General Staff. Now!”

It didn't work immediately, but about ten minutes later I heard Shaposhnikov's concerned voice on the phone: “Report, Lieutenant Colonel.”

“Comrade Marshal, what I warned you about happened. The Viper 2 position area was attacked by dive bombers armed with chemical bombs. I'm afraid no one survived there. Apparently, this is something new. Gas masks don't help much, although I don't think many people had time to put them on.”

Shaposhnikov was silent, and I tried to answer myself the simple question, "why did the Germans hit the anti-aircraft gunners with toxic chemicals?"

There was only one answer – they really wanted to get me, and if I was really in position with the 85 mm guns, they probably would have succeeded. Even my body could not cope with such a dose of nerve poison, especially in a situation where there was no one to get me out of the contamination zone. By using sarin gas, the enemy revealed their plans ahead of time, but apparently the Germans thought the goal was worth it.

Chapter 3

“How did the British and USA ambassadors respond to our appeal?”

“They expressed great concern, Comrade Stalin,” Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov grimaced irritably, “they promised to tell us the position of London and Washington as soon as possible. There seems to be little hope for the Americans. After the Japanese hit Pearl Harbor and the Imperial Army landed in the Philippines, they are, to put it mildly, not interested in us. Apparently, it was feared that once the war with the Samurai had begun, Germany would declare war on them, but so far this has not happened, and Roosevelt certainly will not want to provoke Hitler[1].”

“With the current situation at Moscow and the beginning of the British offensive in North Africa, all Hitler needed was a war with the United States,” Stalin's voice sounded irritated. “Roosevelt's apprehension is misguided, though it may only be an excuse for denying us effective help. And what do you, Comrade Molotov, think about the prospects of Britain entering chemical warfare?”

“It's more complicated here, Comrade Stalin. The Germans lost the air battle for Britain, but it is unlikely that Churchill would want to expose his cities to the risk of chemical bombing. By drawing off the tank units of the African Corps, we have greatly relieved the situation of the British in Egypt and Libya, and now Churchill is in a hurry to turn the course of the war in Africa in his favor. He does not need any new problems, especially in view of the Japanese attack on the port of Hong Kong and the emergence of a real threat to Singapore and all of British Malaya. On December 10, the British fleet lost in the South China Sea the battleship Prince of Wales and the battlecruiser Repulse. This victory cost the Japanese only three planes, so the British and Americans have enough to worry about. It is possible that they can ask us for help themselves[2] – now they are in a situation similar to ours in June.”

The Chief nodded slowly and switched to another topic:

“After the gas attack on anti-aircraft positions near Vyazma, are there any other facts of the use of chemical weapons by the Germans?”

“No, Comrade Stalin,” Zhukov entered the discussion, “but the intelligence data is very disturbing. All the signs of the enemy's preparation for combat operations in chemically contaminated areas are there.”

“How ready are we for this?” Stalin shifted his gaze to Shaposhnikov.

The Chief of the General Staff did not embellish the real situation:

“Now the enemy is way ahead of us in means of chemical defense, but work is being done. All the necessary orders were issued immediately after the discussion at the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command of Lieutenant Colonel Nagulin's conclusions about the threat of the Germans' use of chemical warfare agents.”

“The name Nagulin has come up too often in this office,” the Chief grinned indefinitely, “do you not think so, comrades?”

“Given his role in key events at the front, it doesn't look like anything special,” Shaposhnikov answered cautiously.

“Perhaps,” Stalin nodded, “however, the results of his actions against the Luftwaffe air bridge do not yet look as impressive, as the previous operations, although some successes definitely exist.”

“Hardly anyone else in his position would have done better,” Zhukov, usually skeptical to all the endeavors of Nagulin, whom he did not quite understand, suddenly stood up for him. “The enemy's opposition is too great, and our resources are extremely limited.”

Stalin did not seem to expect such words from Zhukov either, and he was somewhat surprised at the unanimity of the commander of the Western Front and the Chief of the General Staff.

“When will Kleist strike?” The Chief suddenly changed the subject, temporarily "forgetting" about Lieutenant Colonel Nagulin.

“Perhaps as early as tomorrow, Comrade Stalin,” Zhukov answered after a short pause. “In two days at the most.”

* * *

Göring's "air bridge" crackled and swayed, but it had no desire to finally collapse. I gave the Luftwaffe a lot of trouble, but the forces and means at my disposal were still clearly insufficient, and I had nowhere to get additional forces and means.

The Germans quickly realized that flying in tight formation at maximum altitude would be suicide and immediately abandoned this tactic. The enemy was in no hurry to repeat the attacks on the air defense positions. Apparently, the losses made a great impression on the Luftwaffe command, and it was not prepared to lose aircraft and, more importantly, qualified pilots, at such a rate. Nevertheless, the very fact of the chemical attack on anti-aircraft positions forced us to take emergency measures.

We had to train anti-aircraft soldiers to fire in gas masks and anti-mustard gas capes, which had a big impact on their rate of fire and, consequently, on the results of their firing. This was clearly insufficient for protection against sarin, but no other means were available to the Red Army chemical troops anyway.

In a way, I was even glad that the enemy started using chemical weapons immediately with the most dangerous gas. This enabled me to tell Shaposhnikov categorically that if Soviet industry did not immediately master the production of general-purpose hazmat suits immediately, we would have no chance of winning the chemical war. At that time the army had only a few hundred general-purpose hazmat suits, and they were mainly made on the basis of fabric soaked in drying oil, which gave very conditional protection against serious poisonous substances.

Unlike me, neither Stalin, nor Shaposhnikov, nor the rest of the Soviet military commanders knew that Hitler no longer had sarin, nor the industrial capacity to produce it. I was in no hurry to inform them of this encouraging fact – why should I deprive the country's leadership of such an excellent incentive to improve chemical defense?

I looked at what had already been done in this direction at home and in the world, and turned to Shaposhnikov with a proposal to use for mass production of hazmat suits the double rubberized fabric SK-1, developed five years ago. This time the Chief of the General Staff was not at all surprised that I was again trying to solve such problems through him; he took away my folder with the documentation on general protective suits and sent me back to Vyazma to continue to carry out the task of the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command to counteract the supply of German troops in the Moscow Pocket.

When convinced that the chemical attack had destroyed one anti-aircraft unit but had not solved the problem of beating the Junkers, the Germans tried to switch to the tactics of night flights. It did not bring them any success. Clear, frosty nights allowed me to target German transport planes with our night fighters, as the Il-2 ground-attack planes were quite unexpectedly quite good. Their speed was quite enough to fight the slow-moving transport planes, and their powerful armament and good armor made it possible not to fear the return fire of the Junkers.

Despite the losses, the Luftwaffe did not give up the idea of an air bridge. The transport planes were now flying at low altitudes during the day, trying to break through to the surrounded troops by single planes or in small groups. I found it more difficult to counter this tactic because there were too many targets in the sky at once, especially considering the numerous Messerschmitts that were trying to be everywhere at once, to prevent Soviet fighters from hunting down Junkers and Heinkels.

With this arrangement, the air defense position areas were no longer needed, and I again distributed the anti-aircraft artillery more or less evenly throughout the western part of the encirclement ring. In fact, I did everything I could. The Germans lost almost three hundred transport planes in four days. The flow of cargo to the Moscow Pocket was cut in half and continued to decline. There was nothing more for me to do here, but the order that had been given to me had not yet been cancelled. I got ready to wait, but the adversary decided everything for me.

Having weighed the pros and cons one last time, Ewald von Kleist came to the conclusion that there was no point in dragging it out further. On reduced rations the Army Group Center was growing weaker and weaker every day in the Moscow Pocket, and all that the Führer could allocate to strengthen the First Panzer Group, Kleist had already received.

On December 21, five tank and three motorized divisions of the Wehrmacht took the offensive north of Vyazma. Before the attack, the Führer's address was circulated to the troops:

"Soldiers, 150 kilometers of frozen land lie before you, which the Russian armies are holding on to with the last of their strength, and beyond this land are your comrades, who are waiting for help and believe in your unbreakable fighting spirit! This time you have only one way – to go ahead and win! The time has come to cast aside all the restrictions that our enemies tried to impose on us in pre-war times. We have weapons capable of overturning the Bolshevik hordes and reversing their movement, and we will use them here and now! You will celebrate Christmas together with the heroic soldiers of Army Group Center!"

I saw tanks, assault guns, armored personnel carriers, and artillery moving into forward positions at night. The Germans took into account the lessons of November and tried not to create areas with a high concentration of troops. There was nothing I could do about it – the order of the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command bound me hand and foot, but in the evening of December 20 I still could not resist and called Shaposhnikov.

“Comrade Marshal, the Germans will take the offensive tomorrow at dawn. The main blow will be struck on the Holm-Zhirkovski-Gzhatsk line. Auxiliary strikes will take place near Vyazma and Rzhev. Artillery preparation will be combined, using chemical and conventional shells. In the direction of the main attack the enemy will use only volatile gases that do not linger on the ground, so that they themselves do not suffer from their own toxic chemicals during the attack. It is most likely to be phosgene and cyanogen chloride, the latter being more likely, as it has a shorter period of latent action and old-style gas masks are ineffective against it. The Germans have few infantry, and will make extensive use of persistent poisonous substances to cover the flanks of the breakout – various mixtures of mustard gas and lewisite.”

There was silence on the phone for a few seconds.

“Comrade Nagulin, is this intelligence data or your own analytical conclusions?”

I could hear the tension in Shaposhnikov's voice.

“Analytical conclusions, Comrade Marshal.”

There was another pause in the conversation.

“Are you absolutely sure you weren't wrong in your inferences?” asked the chief of general staff, not trying to hide a heavy sigh.

“Absolutely.”

“What about sarin?”

“There might be sarin, but it is unlikely to be in large quantities.”

“I heard you, Lieutenant Colonel. If your information is confirmed, be ready to leave for Moscow immediately. Wait for the order.”

* * *

The outer front of the encirclement collapsed and crumbled like a house of cards. I was afraid of something like that, but I still wasn't expecting such a crushing effect. When von Kleist got his hands on the new weapon, he decided to use it to its full capacity in order to maximize the effect of surprise, although it was somewhat marred by the Abwehr's botched operation with sarin bombs.

Kleist was supplied with an abundance of chemical munitions, of all types, for every conceivable purpose, and an hour before dawn the Wehrmacht began its first massive use of chemical warfare agents in this war.

Heavy howitzers and aviation were the first to engage. Thousands of high-explosive shells and bombs, among which were many munitions filled with phosgene and cyanogen chloride, hit the front lines of the two infantry divisions of the Kalinin Front.

Combat gases quickly dispersed over the area, poisoning those Red Army soldiers who did not have time to put on gas masks. Of course, after the order of the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command and especially after the gas attack on the anti-aircraft gunners, the readiness of the Soviet troops for chemical warfare was increased, but the fighters, who had never used gas masks in combat before, did not have time to react to the danger in time. Many soldiers' gas masks were ill-fitted or faulty, or in some cases were simply missing.

The death of comrades from bullets and shrapnel was a familiar sight for the Red Army men during the past six months of the war, but death by poisoning was something completely different, previously unseen and terrible. By the time the German attack began, the morale of Soviet fighters was, to put it mildly, not at its best. In some places there was outright panic, and the German tanks, which had taken the offensive, broke through the first line of defense almost without resistance.

Only the Soviet troops in the central section of the breakthrough were attacked by flying gases, which practically never stayed on the ground and quickly dissipated even by a light wind. On the flanks the Germans used a completely different tactic. Mustard gas and lewisite in the form of special winter mixtures were used here to keep these poisonous liquids from freezing in the cold.

In addition to bombs and shells, German bombers made extensive use of airborne spray devices, creating wide swaths of contaminated terrain behind the flying planes. The dominance of Luftwaffe fighters in the air and the fact that the air defense assets were disorganized by the chemical attack did not allow the Soviet side to stop these actions, and zones of chemical contamination, impregnated with skin-explosive poisons, formed on the flanks of Kleist's tank group rushing forward.

To protect against mustard gas and lewisite, a gas mask is not at all sufficient. Their main target is the skin of enemy soldiers. The Red Army men who were attacked had anti-mustard gas capes in their kit, but their effectiveness in real combat conditions was extremely low, especially in the case of the combined use of chemical weapons and conventional ammunition.

Any meaningful resistance in the infected areas was out of the question. Surviving fighters were eager to leave as quickly as possible the area that had been chemically attacked, and they left their positions without orders. However, the Germans, too, were in no hurry to occupy the trenches left by the Red Army. Their goal was quite different – to prevent Soviet counterstrikes under the base of the ledge, which was formed as a result of the breakthrough of the front and the development of the offensive by German tank divisions.

Wehrmacht infantry divisions occupied positions on the flanks of the tank formations that had gone forward, they fortified on the borders of territories flooded with mustard gas and lewisite and covered them with fire, preventing the Soviet chemical troops from decontaminating the terrain.

After breaking through the first line of defense, two regiments of Nebelwerfers concentrated behind the back of the advancing German troops. For the first time these multiple rocket launchers were used for their direct purpose – to fire chemical munitions.

The second and third lines of defense were broken by German tanks by mid-day. Here the resistance of the Soviet troops was more stubborn, but still could not stop the enemy offensive. The tactics chosen by Ewald von Kleist was bringing success to his divisions.

* * *

I arrived in Moscow four hours after the German offensive began. Shaposhnikov decided not to wait for me to get there on my own and sent a plane for me. Judging by the gloomy appearance of the Chief of General Staff, the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command was in a depressed mood.

“You were right again, Lieutenant Colonel,” the Marshal began without preamble, “You gave the exact time and place of the strike by Kleist's tanks, as well as the methods of the enemy to use chemical weapons.”

“Was it possible to stop the enemy?” I asked a direct question, knowing full well the answer.

“Kleist's tank and motorized units advanced 30–40 kilometers and continue to press our troops,” Shaposhnikov said softly and turned to the map. “The two rifle divisions covering the direction to Gzhatsk were almost completely destroyed. After your report yesterday, I ordered four tank brigades to be moved to the threatened area. That's almost half of our mobile reserves, but it makes no sense to throw them into a head-on battle against Kleist's tanks, which outnumber them – we'd only lose men and equipment. On the other hand, we can't strike from the flanks – everything there is flooded with poisonous substances. At least the Germans in the pocket have been quiet so far. Apparently, they simply don't have the fuel for a 100-kilometer march with fighting, but as soon as Kleist gets close, they will strike out to meet him.”

I looked at the map in silence. It seems that yesterday my words were not fully believed after all. I'm not sure about Shaposhnikov, but the other members of the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command, led by Stalin, apparently took my information cautiously, otherwise they would have drawn much more reserves to the site of the upcoming breakthrough. Except that it wouldn't have helped much.

Here and now the Germans were objectively stronger. Kleist was a competent tank commander who understood well what maneuver warfare was all about. This is not Göpner, who was put in charge of a tank group only because there was no better candidate with a rank commensurate with the task, this is not the individualist Rommel, able to perform normally only solo parts in isolated theaters of military operations and absolutely does not recognize the interests of his neighbors on the front, if he suddenly has them. Kleist will grasp it with a deadly grip and tear forward until he reaches his goal. And he has something to fight with. Five tank divisions, though battered in the battles for the Donbass, but not badly replenished and put in order – this is a very formidable opponent for the Soviet armies, which closed the Moscow Pocket with great difficulty. And right behind these tanks come the elite motorized SS divisions "Viking" and "Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler". The latter, by the way, is familiar to me – I had the pleasure of encountering it near Uman.

“I would like to hear your opinion on this situation,” Shaposhnikov, who never waited for me to comment, broke the silence. “You seem to understand the logic of the German commander quite well, since you were able to predict his actions so accurately.”

Yes, the situation is indeed complicated, since the Chief of the General Staff openly asks the advice of a lieutenant colonel, albeit not the most ordinary one. This is understandable – no one wants to let go of a grand victory that already seems to have been won.

While I made my way to Moscow, I had plenty of time to analyze the situation, but the Red Army had too few resources at its disposal to remedy the worsening situation.

Over the past week, we have not been able to make much progress on either thermite projectiles or fuel-air explosives. General Ustinov's People's Commissariat used everything it could at these developments, but so far only the first prototypes were ready, whose tests were just beginning. And it was too early to even think about cruise missiles. Too much had to be reworked there, so Korolev could hardly put the first products to the test sooner than in a couple of months. The problem had to be solved with the means we already had at our disposal.

“Comrade Marshal, I completely agree with your conclusion that we cannot stop Kleist's tanks with a counter-strike. They have to be beaten off by a stubborn defense full of anti-tank weapons, and our counterstrokes can only have an effect if we apply them on the flanks.”

“But it's all flooded with mustard gas!” Shaposhnikov interrupted me.

“Boris Mikhailovich, we need to break corridors through the chemical barrier sectors. As soon as we do that, the chemical troops will do the decontamination. They have accumulated a lot of bleach and other special solutions. It is important that the Germans have no opportunity to target the chemists. Before you sent me to Vyazma, you mentioned two tank brigades being formed near Kalinin. On leaving, I submitted a report to you with a request to reinforce them with chemical warfare units and to saturate them with protective equipment, including all available hazmat suits.”

“I gave the appropriate orders,” Shaposhnikov nodded. “Do you want to use these units for counterattacks?”

“By and large, they are totally unprepared for this and will probably suffer great losses, but we simply do not have anything more suitable. The Germans left relatively weak infantry divisions to cover the chemical barrier sectors. The farther Kleist's tanks advance, the more their flanks are stretched and the weaker their covering forces are. Newly formed tank brigades must overcome contaminated territory and retain their ability to attack German infantry positions. Immediately behind them will go the chemical units with their decontamination machines and provide passageways for troops protected only by gas masks and anti-mustard gas capes. The Germans will probably continue to use chemical munitions to close the holes we shall have punched in their defenses. It will cause more casualties, but I see no other way to stop Kleist's advance.”

Shaposhnikov walked thoughtfully along the wall with the map.

“The Headquarters of the Supreme High Command rejected your proposal to refrain from retaliatory use of chemical weapons,” the Chief of the General Staff suddenly changed the subject. “With the total shortage of conventional ammunition, we simply cannot afford it, and the very idea of not retaliating has not been understood by the country's leadership. By the end of the day, our air force and artillery will begin treating enemy troops with poison gas shells and bombs. Perhaps this will slow down the advance of Kleist's armored divisions.”

“It won't, Comrade Marshal. They've been ready for this for a long time and they know what we're capable of. If chemical weapons were to be used, it would not be against Kleist, who was fully equipped for chemical warfare, but against the Germans in the pocket. Unlike the First Panzer Group, they were equipped with the means of chemical protection at a minimally sufficient level, and when retreating from Moscow the enemy troops abandoned these "unnecessary" cargoes in the first place, and now they are hardly prepared for chemical attacks. We need to prevent a blow from the pocket toward Kleist, don't we? Mustard gas treatment of the leading edge of the German defense on the inner front of the encirclement would contribute greatly to this. Without decontamination, infantry cannot traverse contaminated areas, and surrounded troops almost certainly do not have the right reagents. ”

I said "almost certainly" for Shaposhnikov. I myself knew exactly how Rommel, Goth, and Göpner were doing with chemical protection and decontamination. They had nothing – everything but gas masks had been abandoned or lost in the retreat.

“Perhaps that does have a rational point,” the Marshal nodded, “but now the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command considers the main task to stop further advance of the enemy's First Panzer Group. Comrade Nagulin, can you repeat the experience of the Rogachev Highway? Then your grenade launcher companies, together with General Zakharov's men, were able to hold back Rommel's tanks and inflict very significant losses on them, and this was in the conditions of an encirclement. Now we have the opportunity to give you much more forces to fulfill this task.”

“It won't work,” I tried to answer as firmly as possible, “In the Rogachev Highway area the Germans were severely restricted by terrain conditions and squeezed in the forest "corridors". It is one thing to defend a kilometer or two front with a concentration of all forces in previously prepared positions, and it is quite another thing to hold a 40-kilometer band of land at defense lines, hastily equipped, moreover, by troops with no real experience in chemical warfare and having no reliable means of protection against blister agents. Positional defense will not help us in this case. We need a successful counterstrike that would force Kleist to stop the offensive and deploy his tanks to parry the threat from the flanks.”

“And if Kleist does not stop and continues to deepen the breakthrough, hoping that his infantry divisions and aviation will not allow us to develop our success?”

“So, another famous German general and his army will end up in the Moscow Pocket,” I allowed myself a wicked chuckle. “Suppose Kleist manages to break through to Army Group Center. And then what? Will he break back through the corridor that has been liberally sprinkled with mustard gas and has already been closed by us? His Panzer Group is the last truly mobile army of the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front. Never will its commander take such a risk and allow us to cut off his communications and supply lines. And so that Kleist doesn't want to rush forward without looking back, we need, before it's too late, to redeploy to the Gzhatsk direction all the grenade launcher companies formed by Comrade Beria's Commissariat. They showed themselves very well on the Rogachev Highway. Of course, they can't stop five tank divisions, but the grenade launchers will knock out a lot of tanks and slow down the enemy's advance, and then the Germans will stop themselves when we get to their rear.”

“I see you, Lieutenant Colonel, do not doubt for a second the success of flank counterstrokes through mustard gas and lewisite contaminated territory. How can you be so sure?”

“Comrade Marshal, my confidence is grounded on a plan based on an analysis of the situation. I believe it is necessary to create a strong breakthrough group, concentrating in it the formations most prepared for chemical warfare and all the available tanks in reserve. Only then will we be able to cut the ledge that's been formed or create such a meaningful threat to Kleist's communications, that he will be forced to concentrate on repelling it, abandoning his main task,” I went over to the map and took the pointer in my hand. “I propose that a secondary counterstrike be launched from the south by the Bryansk Front, and that the main efforts be concentrated on Kleist's northern flank by launching a counteroffensive from Sychovka to cut the supply lines of the Wehrmacht's First Panzer Group.”

“What you are proposing is a blatant gamble. We’ll have to bet it all on one strike. If it doesn't succeed, we'll simply have nothing left to stop Kleist.”

“Boris Mikhailovich, you know yourself that throwing the reserves under Kleist's tank roller we won't be able to stop him anyway. We may be able to delay the enemy's advance a bit, but with the same disastrous result at the end.”

“I repeat the question,” said Shaposhnikov with pressure, “why are you so sure of the success of the counterattack?”

“Comrade Marshal, I ask your permission to lead the advanced breakthrough group – the same tank brigades reinforced with chemical troops. On the spot I will be able to pinpoint the weakest part of the German defense. We’ll cut a corridor in the chemical barrier, and then the armies of the Kalinin Front will develop success. The Germans do not believe in our ability to act effectively in a chemical contamination zone, and they don't expect a strike on their northern flank. We should not let this opportunity slip away. It's likely that we won't get another chance.”

Chapter 4

Hitler strode nervously along the long table covered with maps. The gloomy interior of the large meeting room was designed in the style of a medieval castle. Normally the Führer liked this environment, but now he felt a growing irritation.

“The unprecedented concentration of effort on the Moscow direction forced us to withdraw our best divisions from other parts of the front, especially from Leningrad region and from the south of Russia,” General Halder continued his report. “This gave the enemy the opportunity to undertake a number of offensive operations, and our weakened units were unable to effectively resist them. Near Leningrad, Soviet troops launched a counteroffensive against Army Group North. Under the threat of encirclement, von Leeb's divisions were forced to abandon Tikhvin and retreat to the western bank of the Volkhov River. Due to the lack of reserves, which had been moved to reinforce von Kleist's troops, the Russians managed to cross the river in several places and gain a foothold. The most difficult situation was at the Kirishi bridgehead, which our 16th Army was trying to hold on the eastern shore. The enemy managed to force General Field Marshal von Leeb to evacuate the bridgehead. During the retreat, part of our troops defending Kirishi[3] were surrounded.”

Hitler knew all this, but he did not interrupt the Chief of General Staff. A weekly general report on the situation on the fronts became a tradition that Fuhrer saw no point in breaking.

“In the south we lost Rostov and Taganrog[4]. Without von Kleist's tanks, the stability of our defense was undermined, and after the Russian crossing of the Don we managed to stabilize the front only on the west bank of the Mius River, where the enemy managed to seize two small bridgeheads, for which now fierce fighting continues. Crimea became another point of extreme tension of our forces. In Kerch and Feodosia the Russians landed marines with a total of up to 50,000 men. Despite heavy losses, they managed to gain a foothold there and attack our troops from the seized bridgeheads. General von Manstein ordered the 46th Infantry Division and the Romanian Mountain Regiment to hold their positions at all costs, but the numerical superiority of the Russians quickly resulted in these forces being cut off on the Kerch Peninsula and almost completely annihilated[5].”

“These are the inevitable costs of a major war,” Hitler could not help but interrupt Halder, “Our losses are only temporary. Once Army Group Center is unblocked and we regroup and resupply, we will regain all lost territory. Move on to the situation in the Moscow direction, Colonel General.”

“At the moment the offensive of von Kleist's first tank group is progressing successfully,” said Halder in a noticeably more cheerful voice. “Competent use of chemical weapons allowed our armored divisions to quickly break the resistance of the Russians in the zone of the main strike and secure the flanks of the tank wedge against enemy counterattacks. The troops note the clear superiority of the Wehrmacht over the Red Army in terms of preparedness for action in chemical warfare, but the resistance of the Soviet troops to the effects of poisonous substances was somewhat higher than we had expected.”

“Thank the Abwehr, General,” bellowed Hitler, completely "forgetting" that he himself had authorized the use of sarin gas in a special operation prepared by the intelligence service. “Thanks to their adventure, we gave the Russians an extra week to prepare. I repeat my demand! All those involved in this unforgivable mistake must redeem themselves with blood!”

“The culprits have been identified, my Führer, and action has been taken on them,” General Yodl immediately responded, “Now they are already mending the consequences of their actions in the trenches on the Eastern Front.”

* * *

The rubber of the gas mask, hardened by the cold, bent badly. Kurt Knispel knew that if he didn't warm it up under his overcoat, it would be impossible to put on his gas mask. The chemical warfare in conditions of encirclement and 30-degree frost was a real hell for the troops of Army Group Center who found themselves in a pocket.

Two days ago they were read Hitler's address and announced that von Kleist's valiant tankers had already crushed the outer front of the encirclement and were less than a hundred kilometers away from Rommel, Goth and Göpner's armies, buried in the ground and snow. The Wehrmacht command promised them a quick rescue in a cheerful tone, emphasizing that the Führer had given orders to use all the means available to Germany, including the most modern chemical weapons, to break through to the encircled troops.

Knispel immediately disliked the mention of poison gases. Kurt himself did not take part in World War I – he had not even been born yet – but he had repeatedly heard the stories of veterans who had experienced that nightmare. None of the soldiers in the Moscow Pocket needed to be told that things did not go quite as planned for Army Group Center, to put it mildly, but Kurt could not imagine that things were so bad that Hitler would dare to use combat chemicals. Nevertheless, the Führer decided to do so.

The chemical warfare did not reach the encircled armies immediately. Apparently, it took some time for the Russians to get over the shock of the mustard gas, phosgene, and cyanogen chloride shells and bombs falling on their heads. They recovered fairly quickly, though.

The first chemical attack on the front line of the encircled German forces was delivered by Soviet heavy howitzers. Knispel was already used to the fact that the Russians had a clear shortage of shells, especially large caliber ones. However, they seemed to have a lot of chemical ammunition in reserve, and instead of the usual sparing shelling of late, the Reds dropped many hundreds of "suitcases" of mustard gas and lewisite on the German trenches.

The Russians did not use light-volatile gases. Apparently, their commanders believed that they were not very useful, and saw their main task as the chemical contamination of the area, through which the surrounded could try to break through to their own.

Kurt carefully crumpled the corrugated tube between the gas mask box and the mask with his fingers and shook out the ice frozen from his breath. He assembled the gas mask, checked to see if the rubber blades in the breathing valve were frozen, and, writhing in disgust, pulled the still-cold mask over his face.

Knispel's tank burned up in the battle near the Rogachev Highway. He was the only survivor of the crew. The burns he received were painful, but not dangerous, and a week and a half later Kurt was back in action. By this time there were few combat vehicles left in Army Group Center, but the Panzer-III still had room for one of the best gunners in the Panzerwaffe. Russian grenade launchers more often killed and maimed tankers than completely incapacitating the tanks themselves, so Kurt was not without a job in his specialty.

“Here come the chemists,” Kurt's new commander, Lieutenant Klein, nodded satisfaction as he looked at the approaching soldiers in gas masks and some homemade pants made from anti-mustard gas capes that had survived the retreat.

“Herr Lieutenant, the chemical reconnaissance detachment is ready to move out,” reported the Feldwebel, who commanded five chemists, and handed the officer a map. “This is our route. Our orders are to check the possibility of infantry passage in the three areas marked here.”

The Lieutenant thought for a moment, wondering if his tank had enough fuel, and then nodded slightly at his own thoughts.

He commanded the Feldwebel: “Get on the armor,” and the chemists climbed onto the tank while the crew took their places. Everyone put on their gas masks in advance, as the contaminated terrain began a couple of hundred meters from their position.

This was not the first raid of this kind by Kurt. It seems that Kleist's tanks were indeed approaching the inner front of the encirclement, and the command was actively preparing to strike towards them, trying to find relatively safe corridors to break through. The armies caught in the pocket had practically no means of decontamination, and now they had only to look for gaps in the chemical barriers put up by the Russians.

The tank roared its engine and, scattering snow, moved in the direction indicated by the chemists. In Kurt's opinion, an armored personnel carrier would have been better suited for this task, but there were even fewer armored personnel carriers in the surrounded troops than there were tanks, and besides, the chance of encountering enemy fire was still quite high. In general, the command chose not to take the risk, although for soldiers forced to sit on the armor, this decision was clearly not to their liking.

Within a couple of hours, the chemists stopped the tank three times by tapping on the armor and went to the neutral zone. The distance to the Russian trenches remained quite long – the Reds did not want to go into territory that they themselves had flooded with mustard gas. As Knispel realized, the chemists were trying to determine the width of this contaminated zone. Two of them were carrying rather cumbersome chemical reconnaissance equipment. The situation was complicated by the fact that in the event of shelling the soldiers could not lie down in contaminated territory – the snow and soil, soaked with poison, could kill them more surely than a bullet or a shrapnel. Therefore, the chemists were in no hurry to approach the Russian trenches, and they had no such task.

Each time he returned to the tank, the Feldwebel only shook his head in the negative and his subordinates climbed onto the armor in silence, while the Lieutenant gave the driver the order to move on.

The fourth time was more successful. Anyway, the chemist squad went quite far and didn't get back until about 40 minutes later. Before that, it took them 10–15 minutes to realize that there were no passages accessible to infantry in the places they were checking.

“We found a way through,” muttered the Feldwebel from under his gas mask, “I won't say the gap is wide, but with minimal decontamination the infantry will pass. The Russian artillerymen must have made a mistake and shifted their sights. The place is undoubtedly promising…”

“Air!” Kurt yelled as he saw the dark dots of planes on the horizon.

“Maybe it's our planes?” The Feldwebel uncertainly suggested, trying to see details through the glasses of his gas mask, which were beginning to mist up.

No one answered him. The tank, located under the trees of a small grove, had a good chance of remaining unnoticed, and the Lieutenant quite rightly decided not to move and wait for the situation to become clearer. The planes, whoever they were, clearly didn't come here because of them.

“It's the Russian attack planes,” one of the chemists identified the enemy, “They're flying to the left, and they don't seem to see us.”

Suddenly, behind the ILs, two more dots emerged from the high clouds and rushed down in a steep dive.

“And these are ours,” said the Feldwebel with satisfaction; he had managed to remove the gas mask from his face and now, without taking off his gloves, was wiping it with a damp-looking piece of cloth. His subordinates immediately followed his example – it seemed that the reconnaissance was over for the day.

The attack by the Messerschmitts did not go unnoticed. Tracks of machine-gun bursts stretched from the attack planes toward them, but the Russians did not appear to be able to get any hits. But the Germans did not miss their chance. The IL-2, slightly behind the group, ceased fire. A few flashes flickered across its hull, and the plane slowly tipped onto its wing. Shrouded in smoke, it quickly hurtled toward the ground, but suddenly a wide white trail stretched behind the doomed plane.

“Gas!” yelled the Feldwebel, pulling back his gas mask, which he had almost put away.

The pilot of the downed attack aircraft was apparently still alive and opened the nozzles of the airborne spray device. Half a ton of mustard gas mixed with hard-to-freeze solvents formed a huge cloud behind the plane within seconds, which was now spreading wider and wider and drifting toward the grove where Kurt's tank had taken cover.

“Start the engine!” Lieutenant Klein shouted as he fell inside the tank and slammed the hatch doors.

In the sky, meanwhile, there were new actors – two Yak-1 fighters. It was unclear why they fell behind the attack aircraft they were covering, but now the Russian pilots were trying to come to the aid of their comrades.

How the battle ended, Kurt did not see, and only when he returned to his unit did he witness a brief conversation between the tank commander and the chemist Feldwebel.

“We barely had time to get out of there, or else you and I, Herr Lieutenant, would have had to scrub your tank of mustard gas and treat each other with this stinking crap from the anti-chemical bags. None of us have full hazmat suits.”

“Well, then, this time we were lucky,” the Lieutenant took the chemist's words calmly. “How did it end in the air?”

“The Messerschmitts took down another attack plane, and I didn't see any more. Worse is another thing. These Russians seemed to be flying in to spray our trenches with chemicals, and when the M-109s came at them, they started to get rid of the stuff by opening the airborne spray devices.”

“What's wrong with that?” The Lieutenant was flaccidly surprised. “Since they didn't deliver the chemical contamination to our trenches, the infantrymen must deliver a case of schnapps to the fighters.”

“This victory for the Luftwaffe is going to cost us,” the Feldwebel grinned angrily. “The Russian attack planes completely flooded the corridor we scouted with mustard gas. So get ready, Herr Lieutenant. Tomorrow, or maybe even today, the command will drive us again to the raid.”

* * *

My modest wish to reinforce the two tank brigades assigned to me with chemical defense units was granted by the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command with an unexpected vast sweep.

Shaposhnikov decided not to be penny wise, and each of the brigades received two separate chemical defense battalions from the General Command's reserve, with all the units and equipment due to them – decontamination vehicles, decontamination units for clothing and equipment, chemical reconnaissance platoons and combat support companies.

“Comrade Marshal, I got everything I needed in terms of anti-chemical protection. Thank you for your understanding. Nevertheless, this is not enough for the success of the operation,” I decided that if they give it to me, I should take everything my grasping hands could reach, “The enemy will quickly see what our counterstrike can lead to and will counter it fiercely. In particular, the Germans would certainly launch air and artillery strikes against the chemical defense battalions, which will be busy decontaminating the passages for Comrade Konev's armies. I must be able to counteract these attempts effectively. The regular air defense capabilities of tank brigades are totally inadequate to cover the advancing tanks and protect the chemists at the same time.”

“All right,” Shaposhnikov agreed after a little hesitation, “we'll solve this problem. Anything else?”

“Artillery. I need the ability to quickly organize a counter-battery fight when the German heavy howitzers start shelling our battle lines. Ideally, I would like to have a direct link with the artillery regiment of the Reserve of the Supreme High Command, which will work on the coordinates transmitted by me. It would be better to have two regiments.”

“It's doable,” nodded the Marshal, “especially since this scheme has proven itself more than once in real combat. But things are worse with ammunition. Large-caliber high-explosive shells are almost non-existent even in the front-line depots.”

“Comrade Marshal, chemical munitions would be excellent for counter-battery warfare. Mustard gas and lewisite quickly discourage artillerymen from continuing to fire, especially if one high-explosive round in every five or six chemical rounds still lands on their positions.”

“You're not a supporter of the use of poisonous substances, are you, Lieutenant Colonel?" grinned Shaposhnikov.

“I'm not. But I'm not a stubborn idealist. If there's no other way out, we'll use what we have. At least until the asymmetric response is ready.”

Конец ознакомительного фрагмента.

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Примечания

1

In real history, Germany declared war on the United States on December 11, 1941 – almost immediately after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and the landing of Japanese troops in the Philippines. In the reality of the book the Wehrmacht found itself in a much more difficult situation on the Eastern Front, and Hitler refrained from such a rash move.

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2

After Japan's sudden attack on the United States, Roosevelt did ask Stalin for help in fighting the Japanese aggressor. The first conversation between the U.S. president and the Soviet ambassador took place in Washington the day after the Japanese struck at Pearl Harbor. Roosevelt wanted the USSR to allow the U.S. to conduct air strikes against the Japanese metropolis from Soviet territory. However, this would have meant a violation of the neutrality pact signed in April 1941 between the Soviet Union and Japan and would inevitably have led to a state of war between the USSR and Japan. Stalin was forced to refuse Roosevelt, citing the aforementioned pact and the fact that the USSR was currently engaged in a heavy war with Germany, which required the concentration of all forces and means. Having received a negative answer, Roosevelt told the Soviet ambassador that he regretted such a decision, but if he were the Soviet leader, he would have done the same.

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3

In real history, during the Tikhvin strategic offensive operation, which lasted until the end of December 1941, the Red Army failed to take Kirishi. The Kirishi bridgehead on the eastern bank of the Volkhov River was held by the Germans for almost two years, and it was a serious threat to the Red Army because of the possibility of renewed German offensive towards the Svir to join the Finnish troops.

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4

In real history, Rostov-on-Don was also liberated by the Red Army during the Rostov offensive, held from November 17 to December 2, 1941, but Soviet troops were not able to take Taganrog, although such a task was put before the advancing armies. As a result, Taganrog was liberated only in August 1943 after two years of occupation.

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5

Kerch-Feodosiya landing operation in real history began on December 26, 1941. The German infantry division and the Romanian regiment defending the Kerch Peninsula were able to avoid encirclement and retreat in an organized manner. Despite a successful start, the Soviet troops that landed subsequently suffered a heavy defeat. The Red Army suffered heavy losses and was forced to abandon the Kerch Peninsula again. The remnants of the Crimean Front (10–13 thousand soldiers) retreated to the Adzhimushkay quarries, where they continued to resist until the end of October 1942. In the reality of this book the landing at Kerch and Feodosia was two weeks earlier due to the more favorable situation, which arose due to the encirclement of Army Group Center near Moscow and the weakening of the Wehrmacht grouping in the Crimea because of the redeployment of German forces to supplement Kleist's Panzer Group.

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