ZheSheng Li
Issues in the Development of China's Communist Struggle in the 21st Century – English

Preface

This book aims to explore the future direction and development path of international communism, Marxism, and scientific socialism in the rapidly changing 21st century. In the 21st century, facing unprecedented challenges and opportunities brought by globalization, as well as the rich experiences and profound lessons accumulated in historical practice, we need to re-examine and explore the contemporary value and practical pathways of Marxist theory. Formulating 21st-century Marxist-Leninist and socialist theories that align with current developmental goals has become a significant historical task borne by our generation.

Marxism, as a scientific theoretical system founded by Marx and Engels, encompasses a scientific worldview, theories of social and historical development, the theory of proletarian revolution, and the theories of socialist and communist construction. It emerged in the 1840s as a product of intensifying capitalist contradictions and the development of the workers' movement. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Lenin creatively developed Marxism. Faith in Marxism and belief in socialism and communism have always been the foundation and political soul of Communists' existence and purpose. In China, this ideal and conviction is vividly likened to the "calcium" in the spiritual life of Communists—if theory and ideals are lacking or wavering, Communists will suffer from a spiritual "calcium deficiency," leading to ideological "soft-bone disease." Therefore, upholding and developing Marxism is the foremost issue determining the success or failure of the cause.

To this day, the universal truths of Marxism possess enduring intellectual value. However, the classical Marxist writers did not exhaust all truth but continuously paved the way for seeking and developing it. Socialism has always advanced through exploration. Therefore, the core issues this book focuses on are precisely aimed at addressing the widespread concerns of the contemporary international community regarding the future and destiny of socialism and communism. These issues not only touch upon the foundations of theoretical and path confidence but also relate to the development path chosen by China, a nation of over 1.4 billion people, as well as the lofty goals of human society in pursuing prosperity, democracy, civility, and harmony.

Under the new historical conditions of the 21st century, the Communist Party of China, as the ruling party in China, bears the responsibility of uniting and leading the people to comprehensively build a socialist society, advance socialist modernization, and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The developments in the international situation since the 21st century, the expansion of undertakings, and the expectations of the people all demand that the Communist Party of China, with a spirit of reform and innovation, comprehensively advance the new great project of Party construction. The success of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, along with the continuous development of its theory and practice in the 21st century, is not only crucial for the Chinese people's aspiration for a better life but also has a profound impact on world peace and development.

Below, we will elaborate in detail on the significance and importance of the core issues to be explored in this book:

The first topic explores "whether China today represents revisionism," with its significance lying in directly addressing the essence and directional nature of socialism with Chinese characteristics, while also responding to domestic and international doubts about China's economic system reforms.

The path of socialism with Chinese characteristics represents the dialectical unity of the theoretical logic of scientific socialism and the historical logic of China's social development. This book examines whether China's path has deviated from the course of Marxism, which plays a decisive role in consolidating the common ideological foundation that unites the entire Party and people of China in their struggle.

The Communist Party of China has clearly stated that socialism with Chinese characteristics is socialism, not any other kind of doctrine. The fundamental principles of scientific socialism cannot be abandoned, for to abandon them would mean it is no longer socialism. Comrade Deng Xiaoping pioneered socialism with Chinese characteristics, initially answering a series of fundamental questions about how to build and develop socialism in a relatively backward country like China in terms of economy and culture. Using new ideas and perspectives, he inherited and developed Marxism, elevating the understanding of socialism to a new scientific level.

China must adhere to the socialist system, develop a socialist economy, and modernize socialist theory and systems. Under these circumstances, it is unacceptable for the Communist Party of China in the 21st century to lack ideals, lose convictions, or be without discipline. If the socialist path is abandoned, China’s development path and future plans will inevitably suffer from ideological and strategic failures. Without the ideological guidance of the Communist Party of China, China could easily become ideologically infiltrated by the West and turn into an ideological vassal of others. Therefore, determining whether China is "revisionist" serves as a fundamental safeguard to ensure that China neither reverts to the old, closed, and rigid path nor follows the capitalist and individualist mindset in the process of achieving the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Historically, Comrade Deng Xiaoping clearly pointed out that promoting "bourgeois liberalization" meant leading China onto the capitalist path. This ideological trend represents resistance or opposition to current policies and systems. Therefore, upholding the Four Cardinal Principles—namely, keeping to the socialist road, upholding the people's democratic dictatorship, upholding the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and upholding Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought—and adhering to the reform and opening-up policy are mutually reinforcing. Without opposition to bourgeois liberalization, coupled with the inevitable influx of "chaotic elements" brought by opening up, if capitalist ideologies are not restrained and combine with individualistic thinking, their convergence will impact socialist development and the cause of opposing revisionism in the 21st century.

Thus, the importance of discussing whether China's path constitutes "revisionism" lies in testing and consolidating the Communist Party of China's adherence to the guiding role of Marxism in the ideological sphere, ensuring that all Party members firmly believe in Marxism and communism.

Questions about "revisionism" often focus on the deepening development of China's market economy. The significance of this theoretical article lies in its need to clearly define the nature of the socialist market economy and demonstrate that it has not shaken the foundations of socialism.

In terms of economic system reform, China has set the reform goal of establishing a socialist market economy, which is a major theoretical and practical innovation by our Party in the process of building socialism with Chinese characteristics. This system allows the market to play a decisive role in resource allocation, reflecting the general laws of a market economy and aiming to improve the efficiency of resource allocation.

However, China implements a socialist market economy system, which still adheres to leveraging the advantages of the socialist system and the active role of the Party and government. It upholds and improves the basic economic system with public ownership as the mainstay and the common development of diverse forms of ownership, which serves as a crucial pillar for consolidating and developing the socialist system with Chinese characteristics. The state requires giving full play to the dominant role of the state-owned economy, continuously enhancing its vitality, control, and influence. The property rights of the public sector are inviolable, while the property rights of the non-public sector are equally protected by law.

The concern over whether China's market economy has led to a "new bourgeoisie" is at the core of critiques by revisionist opponents against China's current socialist market economy. Deng Xiaoping once pointed out that as long as the basic means of production remain owned by the state and collectives, that is, publicly owned, and as the nation grows stronger and people's living standards improve, a new bourgeoisie will not emerge. Many believe that China's state apparatus is robust and, once deviations from the socialist direction are detected, it will intervene to correct them.

Therefore, through in-depth analysis of the relationship between China's economic base and superstructure, this book will provide a case study for the world socialist movement—a complex, continuously self-improving model that adheres to the dominant position of public ownership as a "21st-century non-revisionist" paradigm.

Other articles in this book will also explore "Whether Socialism Is Still Applicable in the 21st Century," whose importance lies in directly addressing fundamental doubts about the feasibility of the socialist path in the international community following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, while elucidating the inevitability and superiority of China's choice to adopt and persist with the socialist path in its historical progression.

The Communist Party of China, in summarizing historical experiences, has pointed out that only socialism can save China, and only socialism with Chinese characteristics can develop China. This is the conclusion of history and the choice of the people. Since modern times, countless patriots and revolutionaries rose up in resistance to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, but they failed repeatedly. After the founding of the Communist Party of China, it united and led the people to transform the impoverished and backward old China into a new China increasingly advancing toward prosperity and strength.

Socialism with Chinese characteristics carries the ideals and explorations of generations of Chinese Communists. In practice after the founding of the People's Republic, whether before or after the reform and opening-up, it has essentially been the practical exploration of our Party leading the people in socialist construction. Deng Xiaoping explicitly stated in the 1980s that China can only follow the socialist path.

In the 21st century, China still faces significant and severe risks and challenges. However, achieving the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation, realizing national prosperity, national revitalization, and people's happiness is the common aspiration of all Chinese people. Socialism is the only path to achieving this grand goal. Therefore, discussing the applicability of socialism in the 21st century fundamentally addresses whether the Chinese Dream can be realized.

The primary stage of socialism is the most fundamental national condition and reality of contemporary China. China remains and will long remain in the primary stage of socialism. This stage, beginning with the basic completion of socialist transformation in the 1950s and lasting until the fundamental realization of socialist modernization, will require at least a century.

Precisely because it is in the primary stage, China faces issues such as imbalance, lack of coordination, and unsustainability in its development, with significant gaps remaining in urban-rural and regional development as well as income distribution among residents. Any tendency to rush for quick results that transcends reality and stages must be diligently avoided. Therefore, China must adhere unwaveringly to the Party's basic line for the primary stage of socialism, namely "one central task, two basic points"—focusing on economic construction as the central task, upholding the Four Cardinal Principles, and persisting in reform and opening up. In this context, we need to continuously advance the development of Marxist-Leninist theory in the 21st century, ensuring that the socialist theoretical system keeps pace with the times and technological progress, and can sustainably address the various problems and practical difficulties faced by society and the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Deng Xiaoping once pointed out that China is still in the primary stage of socialism, an underdeveloped stage. Everything must proceed from this reality, and plans must be formulated based on this reality. This pragmatic attitude is precisely the key to ensuring the sustained development and success of socialism in the 21st century.

The vitality of socialism lies in development and innovation. Marxism must inevitably develop along with the progress of the era, practice, and science; it cannot remain static. Without continuous advancement in theoretical innovation, practical innovation, and institutional innovation, it will be difficult for socialism to achieve new victories in the 21st century.

Through reform and opening-up, China has achieved a historic shift from a highly centralized planned economy to a dynamic socialist market economy. The pace of such reforms must accelerate, yet ideological development and theoretical progress must keep pace with economic growth. The remarkable success of China's economy in recent years powerfully demonstrates the strong applicability of integrating the fundamental principles of scientific socialism with contemporary developments.

Furthermore, China has incorporated ecological civilization construction into the overall layout of socialism with Chinese characteristics. This involves coordinating and advancing the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics through a "five-in-one" theoretical and developmental framework, encompassing economic, political, cultural, social, and ecological progress. This represents the integration of China's socialism with its industrial, economic, cultural, and technological development realities in the 21st century, striving toward a new era of socialist ecological civilization. It reflects socialism's profound response to sustainable human development beyond material civilization in the 21st century, and also signifies socialism and Marxism-Leninism's deep engagement with the evolution of human civilization in this era.

Therefore, in-depth research and critical analysis of this topic not only bolster the Chinese Communist Party's confidence in its path and theories but also offer significant theoretical and practical references for nations and countries worldwide still exploring their own development paths.

We will also explore "whether socialism and communism inherently imply a lack of freedom and democracy," as its significance lies in addressing the ideological criticisms of the socialist system from the Western world and clarifying the core concepts and institutional advantages of the political development path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

One of the goals of socialism with Chinese characteristics is to build a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious. This clearly demonstrates that democracy is an inherent requirement of socialism.

The core of this issue lies in distinguishing between socialist democracy and bourgeois liberalization. In China, it is essential to uphold the organic unity of the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the position of the people as masters of the country, and the rule of law, with the fundamental goal of ensuring that the people are the masters of the country.

Comrade Deng Xiaoping profoundly pointed out: "To safeguard people's democracy, it is necessary to strengthen the legal system. Democracy must be institutionalized and written into law so that such institutions and laws will not change with the change of leadership or with the shifts in the focus of their attention." This emphasizes the supreme role of the constitution and laws in protecting people's democracy and freedom. The constitution establishes the principle that all power in the country belongs to the people and ensures the realization of citizens' economic, cultural, social, and other rights.

China upholds and improves its fundamental political systems, including the system of people's congresses, the system of multi-party cooperation and political consultation under the leadership of the Communist Party of China, the system of regional ethnic autonomy, and the system of community-level self-governance. Consultative democracy, as a distinctive form and unique strength of China's socialist democracy, helps improve the orderly political participation of the people.

Therefore, the discussion on this topic serves as a declaration to the world that on its development path, China pursues not only material prosperity but also political civilization, and resolutely opposes any organization or individual enjoying privileges beyond the Constitution and laws.

Western doubts about China being "unfree and undemocratic" often stem from the proletariat's rejection of "bourgeois liberalization.

Deng Xiaoping clearly stated that engaging in "bourgeois liberalization" means worshipping the "democracy" and "freedom" of Western capitalist countries while negating socialism.

Attempting to blindly transplant Western development models to China and using Western standards and perspectives to measure China's socialist development is, in fact, a form of ideological turmoil—a lingering ideological poison from the Cold War-era demonization propaganda by Western capitalist blocs against socialist countries.

Without a stable and united political environment, it is impossible to carry out development. Therefore, China must adhere to the socialist system and maintain overall social stability. This emphasis on stability and order is precisely the fundamental issue that must be addressed during China's economic development period.

Socialist democracy aims to achieve the broadest people's democracy, rather than blindly copying models from other countries. China must determine its own system and management methods based on its own characteristics, because "only the wearer knows if the shoes fit.

The importance of this topic is also reflected in the fact that socialist democracy and freedom must center on social fairness, justice, and common prosperity.

Fairness and justice are inherent requirements of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the lifeline of political and legal work. We must, on the basis of economic and social development, accelerate the establishment of systems crucial for ensuring social fairness and justice, and gradually build a social fairness guarantee system. The effectiveness of all work should ultimately be measured by whether the people have truly benefited, whether their lives have genuinely improved, whether their rights and interests have been effectively safeguarded, and whether the proletariat still holds the leadership of the country during social transformation and development.

The goal of socialism in China is to eliminate class distinctions and achieve a communist society. Common prosperity is a fundamental principle of socialism with Chinese characteristics. We must ensure that the fruits of development benefit all people more extensively and fairly, steadily advancing toward common prosperity. Only by innovating institutional arrangements and striving to overcome phenomena that violate fairness and justice due to human factors can we better embody the principles of socialist fairness and justice.

Therefore, this book's exploration of the topic will reveal how socialism with Chinese characteristics safeguards people's rights and interests through its unique political system, striving to avoid the polarization that may occur under Western capitalist systems, thereby demonstrating that socialism in the 21st century not only pursues development but also emphasizes people-centered fairness and justice.

These three issues are interconnected and mutually reinforcing, forming a comprehensive examination and feedback on the development prospects of socialism and Marxism in the 21st century. We must recognize that upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics is a grand undertaking, and no single book can fully elaborate on it. Comrade Deng Xiaoping established the fundamental principles and basic framework for socialism with Chinese characteristics, bringing socialist China into the 21st century. The task of our generation of the proletariat is to continue writing this epic story of socialist revolution and development. This requires us to maintain firm confidence in 21st-century socialism, as well as confidence in the path, theory, and system of socialism with Chinese characteristics, observing and solving problems from the Marxist standpoint, perspective, and methodology.

We are living in an era of shifting winds and changing clouds, facing a world that is constantly renewing itself. The balance of international forces continues to evolve in a direction favorable to world peace and development. However, humanity still faces numerous challenges and difficulties, with hegemonic behavior, power politics, and neo-interventionism on the rise. Against this backdrop, China adheres to an independent foreign policy of peace, refrains from seeking hegemony or expansion, and is committed to promoting the building of a harmonious world characterized by lasting peace and common prosperity.

The study in this book aims to seize historical opportunities on the new historical journey, identify shortcomings, and forge ahead with determination and bold exploration—blazing trails through mountains and building bridges across rivers—to continuously open new horizons for the Sinicization of Marxism. It seeks to make contemporary Chinese Marxism radiate even more brilliant light of truth and contribute new and greater advancements to human civilization.

The Independent Exploration and Historical Resonance of Contemporary China’s Socialist Path: Re-examining the Critique of Dogmatism and False Revisionism—Starting from Deng Xiaoping Theory

Across today's international and domestic political discourse, debates over China's social nature have never ceased. Particularly within the rhetorical frameworks of certain critics and extreme leftists, there exists a clear implication—even explicit assertion—that contemporary China has already become a "revisionist state," deviating from the so-called fundamental path of socialism or Marxist orthodoxy. In my view, this narrative not only reflects a superficial understanding of historical practice but also represents a self-limiting denial of Marxism's vitality. We must soberly recognize that Marx and Lenin cannot rise from their graves to solve the challenges of the twenty-first century for us. They are giants of history, not saviors of the present era.

My core argument is that the development path of socialist economy and communist revolution is by no means an immutable dogma—it requires China to find answers through its own practice and align with the realities of 21st-century progress. Those who equate socialism with rigid planned economies and fantasize about China reverting to an era of poverty are foolish and unrealistic. As Comrade Deng Xiaoping stated, the fundamental criteria for evaluating a socialist economic system do not lie in the specific methods of economic development adopted, but in its ability to effectively narrow the wealth gap, achieve common prosperity, ensure the working class and proletariat hold a dominant position in society, and guarantee that the voices of grassroots citizens are genuinely heard.

Therefore, certain leftists who regard the Soviet Union of the 1970s and modern North Korea as "models of socialist development," and consequently accuse China of deviating from the right path, are undoubtedly engaging in conceptual substitution and are profoundly mistaken. We will delve into the limitations of these historical examples and demonstrate that, despite missteps in its economic explorations, China has upheld the essence of socialism—particularly by successfully avoiding the descent into bureaucratic capitalism—which in itself constitutes a significant historical achievement.

The 21st century, the era we inhabit, is an unprecedented age of globalization and technological explosion, whose complexity far exceeds that of the 19th and early 20th centuries when Marx and Lenin lived. Therefore, we must discard the mindset that regards Marxism as a rigid dogma.

1 . The Perils of Dogmatism and the Principle of Practical Verification

Marxism-Leninism is a scientific theoretical system concerning the complete liberation of the proletariat and all humanity, yet it must continuously evolve with the advancements of the times, practice, and science; it is by no means immutable. As Comrade Mao Zedong emphasized, "The correctness or incorrectness of a line is not a matter of theory but a matter of practice." Comrade Deng Xiaoping also clearly stated that integrating the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete realities of our country, forging our own path, and building socialism with Chinese characteristics constitute the fundamental conclusion we have drawn from summarizing our long historical experience.

However, many critics are precisely mechanistic fundamentalists who "cling stubbornly to dogmatism." They one-sidedly believe that the economic form of socialism can only be a highly centralized planned economy, even considering market economy as synonymous with capitalism. Comrade Deng Xiaoping vehemently criticized this absurd theory in the early 1980s: "Poverty is not socialism." He pointed out that the fundamental principle of Marxism is to develop productive forces, and the primary task of socialism is also to develop productive forces, gradually improving the material and cultural living standards of the people. In long-term practice, China once suffered from prolonged poverty and stagnation due to "leftist" erroneous policies. Therefore, the idea of wishing for China to return to "poor socialism" and "poor communism" is a complete betrayal of the people's interests and historical experience.

2. Planning and Market: Clarifying the Essential Differences

Is market economy equivalent to capitalism？ Comrade Deng Xiaoping provided an extremely profound dialectical answer to this core question: "Whether there is more planning or more market is not the essential difference between socialism and capitalism." He further clarified: "A planned economy is not equivalent to socialism, as capitalism also has planning; a market economy is not equivalent to capitalism, as socialism also has markets." Both planning and market are merely means to regulate economic activities.

Those who rigidly adhere to a planned economy fail to recognize the essence of reform: reform itself is about liberating productive forces. China's previously inflexible economic system was precisely the fundamental cause hindering the development of productive forces, and it must be reformed to establish a vibrant and dynamic socialist economic system. Through reform and opening up, the enthusiasm of the entire population has been mobilized. In particular, the continuous development of township enterprises in rural reforms has demonstrated the success of these economic revitalization policies. If we "hesitate to take steps and dare not venture" due to fears of introducing capitalist elements, we will only miss opportunities and neglect the imperative of development.

If rigid planning models are not the essence of socialism, how should the true path of socialism be defined in the 21st century？ Comrade Deng Xiaoping and our Party have pointed to two fundamental principles, serving as a beacon for contemporary China.

1. Common Prosperity and the Dominant Position of Public Ownership

The superiority of socialism ultimately lies in its ability to genuinely eliminate exploitation, achieve fairness and justice, and ultimately realize common prosperity. Comrade Deng Xiaoping repeatedly emphasized that upholding socialism rests on two fundamental principles: "public ownership as the mainstay and common prosperity.

We allow some individuals and regions to prosper first, but this absolutely does not mean polarization. The purpose of allowing some to prosper first is to incentivize and drive other regions and people, ultimately achieving common prosperity. We impose restrictions on individuals who have prospered first through means such as taxation and resolutely demand that the fruits of development "benefit all people more extensively and fairly." If polarization occurs, social conflicts will intensify and may eventually lead to turmoil.

In terms of economic entities, China's public ownership，including ownership by the whole people and collective ownership, still holds an absolute dominant position in the overall economy. Even the absorption of foreign capital and technology and the development of "three types of foreign-invested enterprises" are regarded as supplements to developing productive forces, constrained by national political and economic conditions, and ultimately beneficial to the socialist economy.

2. Upholding the Dominant Position of the Proletariat and the Masses

The dictatorship of the proletariat and the political rule of the proletariat are the highest manifestations of achieving communism. In contemporary China, this is reflected in upholding the leadership of the Party, safeguarding the fundamental interests of workers and peasants, and ensuring the political participation of grassroots people.

We adhere to wholeheartedly relying on the working class, which serves as the main force and leading class in national construction. At the same time, we also attach great importance to the people's political awareness and initiative. As Marx stated, the proletariat needs state power not only to suppress the resistance of the exploiters but also to lead the broad masses in "adjusting" the socialist economy.

At present, we emphasize deliberative democracy in political construction, which is a unique form and distinctive advantage of China's socialist democratic politics. Its purpose is to improve the orderly political participation of the people, maintain the close ties between the Party and the masses, and ensure that the interests and demands of grassroots people are heard and fairly addressed. The greatest political strength of our Party lies in its close ties with the masses, while the greatest danger after assuming power is becoming detached from the masses. Therefore, through anti-corruption efforts and strengthening work style construction, we ensure that we always represent the interests of the people, which is key to maintaining the advanced nature and purity of a proletarian party. This is far more profound than simply applying Western multi-party systems and separation of powers models.

Dismissing China's current exploratory path as "revisionism" is typically based on a misunderstanding of "traditional" socialist models such as the Soviet Union and North Korea. We must clearly distinguish these failed cases from China.

1. Lessons from the Soviet Union: The Formation and Rigidity of the Bureaucratic Privileged Class

By the 1970s, the Soviet system had become severely rigid, with a bureaucratic privileged class monopolizing state capital and political power. The formation of this "revisionist bureaucratic empire" occurred precisely because its leadership implemented erroneous ideological and political lines, ultimately betraying socialism.

As Comrade Mao Zedongand other veteran revolutionaries,regarding the Soviet Unionreflected on the path and developmentafter revisionismpointed out in their summary of experiences，The Soviet Union committed a series of shortcomings and errors during its construction process, particularly by one-sidedly emphasizing heavy industry while neglecting agriculture and light industry, leading to market shortages and monetary instability. More importantly, the policies adopted by the Soviet Union exploited peasants, severely damaging their production enthusiasm. Deng Xiaoping vividly criticized this, saying: "You want the hen to lay more eggs but don’t feed it, and you want the horse to run fast without letting it graze. What kind of logic is that in the world!

This economic imbalance and excessive exploitation of peasants were essentially the result of its bureaucratic system being detached from the masses and lacking democratic oversight. The degeneration of the Soviet leadership group caused it to lose the foundation of its legitimacy and justice. We have learned from this lesson and emphasized that in handling the relationships between the state, production units, and individual producers, the interests of all three parties must be balanced. The Soviet experience demonstrates that rigid systems and the formation of privileged classes are the true revisionism, the consequence of which is the collapse of the party and the country.

2. North Korea’s Alienation: Juche Ideology and Militaristic Tendencies

Similarly,modern North Korea has transformed into a state guided by Juche ideology,，based onKim Il-sungism，as its guiding principle. The Juche Idea emphasizes that the masses are the masters of revolution and construction, and that individuals are the masters of their own destiny. Its "fundamental ideological stance" even critiques "vulgar realism," advocating for ideological transformation to take precedence in order to prevent the state from deviating from the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism.

However, although North Korea emphasizes economic self-reliance, this model is widely regarded as unsustainable due to its lack of resources. More alarmingly, the political manifestation of the Juche Idea is a highly centralized single-leadership system and an "absolute" definition of the leader, giving its politics a strong religious essence.

In practice, North Korea excessively prioritizes military strength, emphasizing "Military-First Politics." This approach of rapidly concentrating resources and power in the military, while emphasizing self-defense in national security, intensifies military competition between North and South, leads to irrational resource allocation, and ultimately results in low national productivity, relegating the country to a backward position in the global competitive system.

This system, characterized by the absolutization of ideology, militarization of resources, and economic isolation, cannot be considered socialism in the true sense, even if it formally adheres to public ownership. It fundamentally differs from the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics advocated by Comrade Deng Xiaoping, which prioritizes developing productive forces and improving people's livelihoods. Therefore, labeling the Soviet Union and North Korea as "models" of socialism is merelya WesternCritics employ simplistic methods and conceptual substitution to attack China's path.

We have rejected the rigid dogmas of planned economy while learning from the painful lessons of the Soviet and North Korean models. The path we have chosen is grounded inthe 21st century,the realities of China's primary stage of socialism, driven by reform and opening up, and centered on the people as a self-directed exploratory path.

1. Reform and Opening Up: The Second Revolution to Liberate Productive Forces

Comrade Deng Xiaoping clearly stated: "Reform is China's second revolution." It dismantled the egalitarian "big pot" system and greatly mobilized the people's enthusiasm. Through reform and opening up, China broke free from long-term isolation and backwardness, leveraging the international peaceful environment to absorb useful advanced experiences, technologies, and capital.

We must firmly believe that the policy of reform and opening up is unwavering. The continuity of this policy is reliable because it aligns with the fundamental interests of the vast majority. It is precisely based on the achievements of a decade of reform and opening up that the living standards of the Chinese people have significantly improved, winning their support.

Of course, mistakes and risks are inevitable during the reform process, such as inflation and corruption. However, this requires us to pay even greater attention to "grasping with both hands": one hand focusing on reform and opening up, and the other on combating crime and strengthening spiritual civilization. As long as we promptly summarize experiences, decisively correct errors, and resolutely move forward, bad situations can be turned into positive outcomes.

2. Avoiding the Abyss of Bureaucratic Capitalism

Many critics claim that China is heading toward bureaucratic capitalism. However, the core leadership of our Party has remained highly vigilant and taken sustained actions, which is precisely the key achievement that distinguishes China's path from that of the Soviet Union in the 1970s.

First, we uphold the dominant position of public ownership, which serves as the economic foundation for resisting capitalist erosion.

Second, we are committed to reforming the political structure, with the core objective of overcoming bureaucracy, improving efficiency, and mobilizing the enthusiasm of the masses. Although political restructuring is a complex and challenging issue, it is essential to safeguard the achievements of economic reforms and prevent rigidity. We must streamline administration, delegate power, and overcome the drawbacks of the "fusion of Party and government.

Most importantly, our ongoing anti-corruption campaign is a direct declaration of war against bureaucracy and bourgeois decadence. Corruption and graft pose the greatest danger of losing public support. By "exerting great efforts to address prominent intra-Party issues" and tackling these problems with determination, seriousness, and earnestness, we can ensure that state power consistently maintains its proletarian character and avoid the dangerous scenario of a bureaucratic privileged class monopolizing national resources.

3. Stability and Development: China's Supreme Interests

Whether it involves continuing to deepen reforms or resistingBourgeois color revolution and revisionism” accusations,as well as development and socialstability have always been China's supreme interests that must be upheld. Without a stable political environment, all construction would become empty talk. Precisely in light of the painful lessons fromthe late Cultural Revolution period, when the Cultural Revolution was exploited by the bourgeoisie and bureaucratic class,we must never again allow the disorderlyexpansion of bureaucratismandsocialunresttooccur.

Stability serves development, and development is the "hard truth" for solving all problems. Comrade Deng Xiaoping clearly stated that to judge whether a country's political system is correct, three key criteria must be examined: whether the national political situation is stable, whether it can enhance people's unity and improve their lives, and whether productive forces can achieve sustained development. China's practice over manyyearshas proven that our path is correct and has achieved remarkable results in these aspects.

We firmly believe that China's development must be based on its own reality, adhering to the principles of independence and self-reliance. We value international cooperation but will never swallow the bitter fruit of harming national interests, nor become a vassal of any country. This independent foreign policy of not playing others' cards is more conducive to world peace.

Today's Chinese society is in a new historical stage of socialist construction, facing unprecedented challenges and opportunities. The rigid accusations labeling China as "revisionist" essentially reflect a lack of understanding of Marxism's vitality and a fear of epochal changes.

We must hold high the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics, firm in our belief in Marxism and communism. Our theory is the product of combining the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution.

Looking back at history, neither the rigid bureaucratic system of the Soviet Union in the 1970s nor the ideological absolutism and resource militarization of modern North Korea can serve as models for socialist development. Critics attempt to impose these failed examples on us in vain efforts to negate China'sreform and opening-upremarkable achievements over the years.

China has not taken the wrong path of bureaucratic capitalism, thanks to our adherence to the fundamental socialist principles of common prosperity and public ownership as the mainstay, our guiding ideology centered on liberating and developing productive forces, and our persistent commitment to people's welfare and grassroots democracy as our ultimate goals.

Lenin and Marx have passed away, and the legacy they left behind requires us to inherit and develop creatively. Contemporary China is steadfastly advancing along the socialist path it has chosen, demonstrating through facts that only by integrating Marxism with China's actual conditions can the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation truly be achieved—this is not only a responsibility to the Chinese people but also a contribution to the progress of human civilization. We are full of confidence in the future, firmly believing that China can overcome all difficulties and handle its own affairs even better.

Challenges and Path Choices Facing Contemporary Chinese Socialist Economy: The Dialectical Unity Between the Dominant Position of Public Ownership and Market Vitality

As we resolutely embark on the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics and successfully avoid sliding into the abyss of rigid dogma and bureaucratic capitalism, we must confront the profound contradictions accumulating within the current economic structure. These challenges not only concern fluctuations in economic data but also touch upon the essence of the socialist system and the sustainability of the dominant position of the public sector economy. We must remain vigilant against the drawbacks already exposed in capitalist countries, which are attempting to breed and spread in new forms within the fabric of China's economy.

The primary challenge currently facing China's socialist economic construction lies in how to correct the potential erosion of socialist core advantages during the marketization process, particularly in the realms of enterprise vitality and employment security, while maintaining rapid economic development.

1. The "Vitality Paradox" of Enterprises and the Warning of High Unemployment Rates

Currently, we observe a worrying "vitality paradox": on one hand, the government continues to emphasize and encourage the development of the private economy, which is undoubtedly the correct direction in liberating and developing productive forces; but on the other hand, excessive reliance and praise for the private sector are invisibly neglecting or even weakening the inherent advantages of our socialism.

Private enterprises play an important supplementary role in introducing advanced technology, management experience, and promoting economic activities. However, we cannot ignore that private capital, in its pursuit of profit maximization, naturally tends to create widespread unemployment. This "creative destruction" is a common issue in capitalist economic systems, and it is now emerging in China as well. WithChina'sprivate enterprises gaining increasing influence on the international stage, and many even surpassing state-owned enterprises in certain fields, we must face the potential social consequences of this expansion of power.

The fundamental principle of socialism is to ensure common prosperity, not polarization. If the rapid development of the private sector comes at the cost of sacrificing the stable employment of the working class and exacerbating the wealth gap, then it fundamentally deviates from our goal of building socialism.，This does not align with the requirements of the proletarian democratic dictatorship.. As the wealth gap widens, social conflicts may develop, ultimately potentially triggeringa series of socio-economic issues.As Comrade Deng Xiaoping emphasized, the ultimate goal of developing productive forces is to gradually improve the people’s material and cultural living standards, not to plunge them into hardship, because poverty is absolutely not socialism.

Amid this critical situation, some argue that the best solution to the current high unemployment rate and the preservation of social fairness may be re-publicization, correcting the excessive privatization since the 1990s. I believe that the core of this call for a return to public ownership lies in upholding the dominant position of public ownership, which is one of the fundamental socialist principles we must adhere to.

However, this return must not be a simple, dogmatic regression. If we simply revert to the rigid, non-competitive state-owned system of the past, we will only repeat the mistakes of history. Historical lessons have clearly shown that the long-standing "leftist" erroneous line and the egalitarian "iron rice bowl" system severely constrained the development of productive forces. We cannot sacrifice efficiency and vitality to solve the employment problem, ultimately falling into the absurd predicament of "poor socialism.

Therefore, the urgent task is to maintain a dialectical balance between state-owned and private enterprises. If decisive measures are not taken to sustain this balance—allowing the private sector to generate profits while simultaneously creating widespread unemployment, and permitting its influence to comprehensively surpass that of the public economy both domestically and internationally—then the ensuing economic issues in China could very well lead to the loss of the dominant position of our public ownership economy. Once public ownership no longer holds the principal status, the economic foundation for resisting capitalist corrosion and safeguarding the interests of the working class will be undermined, constituting a genuine directional error.

2. Safeguarding the Dominant Position of Public Ownership: Avoiding Bureaucratic Capitalism and the Lack of Market Vitality

We must recognize that the challenges facing the public ownership economy stem not only from external competition with private capital but also from internal inefficiencies and bureaucratic practices. The historical experience of the Soviet Union teaches us that even a superpower can degenerate and lose its legitimacy due to the erroneous ideological and political lines implemented by its leadership.

Under the Soviet model, the rigidity of the economic system, with its one-sided emphasis on heavy industry while neglecting agriculture and light industry, led to shortages of goods in the market and monetary instability. More critically, the policies it adopted exploited peasants, severely damaging their production enthusiasm and leaving the economy devoid of internal dynamism. This inefficient and detached system is precisely what we refer to as the manifestation of bureaucracy.

Therefore, the "dominance of public ownership" we speak of must be a vibrant and dynamic form of public ownership. To uphold the primary position of state-owned enterprises, it is essential to ensure their efficiency and competitiveness while maintaining their scale.

To address the lack of vitality in state-owned enterprises, we cannot rely solely on administrative orders or monopolies; instead, we must leverage the positive role of market competition mechanisms, treating "competition" as a necessary means for the self-development and refinement of public ownership.

1. Competition: The Only Path to Eliminating the "Iron Rice Bowl" and Developing Productive Forces

As our reflection on the Soviet model reveals, the greatest flaw of its public-owned economy lay in its lack of competitiveness. The rigid planned system and the "iron rice bowl" institution fostered a "wait-and-see" mentality, severely stifling the initiative and creativity of the workforce.

Therefore, I firmly believe that private enterprises need a fair environment to compete with state-owned enterprises; only through mutual competition can vitality be maintained. We must not "hesitate to take steps or dare not explore" due to fear of the risks brought by competition. This fear stems from the influence of "Leftist" thinking, which equates market economy with the label of capitalism.

However, Comrade Deng Xiaoping clearly stated: "Whether there is more planning or more market is not the essential difference between socialism and capitalism." Both planning and market are means of regulating the economy; if used effectively, they can promote the development of socialism.

Introducing a competition mechanism into the public sector economy is precisely using market means to achieve socialist goals:

Stimulate vitality: Through competition, break the monopoly of state-owned enterprises and internal bureaucracy, forcing SOEs to improve efficiency and management, thereby mobilizing the enthusiasm of production units and individual producers.

Survival of the fittest: Allow state-owned and private enterprises to engage in long-term, fair competition, optimizing resource allocation through natural selection. Only through market testing can the true superiority of the public sector economy be demonstrated.

2. Strategic Competition: Promoting Dynamic Balance Between Multiple Private Enterprises and a Single State-Owned Enterprise

To ensure that competition ultimately benefits the long-term development of the public sector economy, we must adopt a strategic competition model. We must promote competition between multiple private enterprises and a single state-owned enterprise.

The advantages of this model are:

1.  Risk Diversification: The decentralized and diversified nature of the private sector prevents it from forming a single monopolistic force capable of challenging national macroeconomic regulation.

2.  Efficiency Learning: When a single state-owned enterprise competes with multiple efficient private enterprises, it can maximize learning and drawing on the advantages of private enterprises in technology, management, and business models, thereby achieving self-transformation. This aligns precisely with the requirement in our opening-up policy to "learn from the advanced science and technology of capitalist countries and the scientific aspects of enterprise management methods.

3.  Consolidating the Dominant Position: Only a public sector economy that survives and thrives in such dynamic competition can genuinely demonstrate its superiority as the mainstay of the socialist economy.

Under this competitive mechanism, further development of the public sector economy becomes possible. If the public sector economy can achieve faster accumulation through such competition, it will be better equipped to develop more extensively and effectively, thereby better meeting the needs of the people's livelihoods. This virtuous cycle will ultimately enable us to establish, through reform, a "socialist economic system full of vitality and dynamism.

3.  Adhering to the Correct Direction: Opposing "Leftist" Dogmatism and "Rightist" Liberalization

We must remain vigilant against interference from both "Left" and "Right" during the reform process.

Currently, on one hand, we oppose the dogma and conservatism that equate reform and opening-up with the introduction and development of capitalism, claiming that the primary danger of peaceful evolution originates from the economic sphere.，The "Leftist" viewpoint. It is precisely this kind of "leftist" dogmatic thinking that hinders us from boldly emancipating our minds and accelerating the pace of reform and opening up.

On the other hand, we must resolutely oppose the rightist tendency that views the excessive expansion of private enterprises as "natural development," and we must oppose bourgeois liberalization, as this ideological trend attempts to negate the socialist system and advocates following the Western capitalist path. If this tendency is allowed to develop unchecked, it will lead more people astray, with very serious consequences.

Therefore, our path is clear: adhere to market-oriented reforms under socialist principles, that is, within the framework of the two fundamental principles of public ownership as the mainstay and common prosperity, focus on developing productive forces, and let the "invisible hand" of the market become a powerful tool for liberating productive forces and invigorating the public sector of the economy.

In summary, the challenges we face require us to possess both the strategic determination of statesmen to safeguard the fundamental status of public ownership and avoid repeating the mistakes of the Soviet bureaucratic empire and North Korea's closed model, as well as the courage and innovation of economists to boldly introduce competition and survival-of-the-fittest mechanisms between public and private ownership. Only in this way can the superiority of the socialist system be truly reflected in economic efficiency and the common prosperity of the people. Only then can China continue to advance unwaveringly along the correct path.

Following the global upheavals of the late 20th century, we have developed a profound historical understanding of the threats posed by "color revolutions" and "peaceful evolution." The drastic changes in Eastern Europe during the 1990s, particularly the collapse of the Soviet Union, serve as a stark cautionary tale. China avoided repeating this tragedy partly due to our heightened vigilance against ideological infiltration and our implementation of effective defensive strategies, including "opposing bourgeois liberalization," in response to the wave of cultural liberalization. However, I must unequivocally state that the challenges we now face have fundamentally shifted: the risk of China falling victim to a color revolution is far greater in the economic sphere than in the cultural realm.

1. The Economic Foundation of Ruling Legitimacy and the Severe Challenge of Slowing Growth

For a long time, the Communist Party of China has led the people in realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, with the foundation of this rejuvenation being "making the Chinese people prosperous and the nation strong." The people's aspiration for a better life is the goal of our Party. Over the past decades, the superiority of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics has been most tangibly reflected in unprecedented economic vitality and a significant improvement in people's living standards. This sustained, high-speed economic growth has constituted one of the most solid material foundations for the current ruling legitimacy of the Communist Party of China.

However, current economic development has noticeably slowed, and new challenges have emerged. According tothe current economic situation,，we have reason to believe thatChina's economy is facing severe challenges in multiple aspects:

Structural Downturn and Growth Slowdown: Partly due to accelerated population aging, declining capital returns, and geopolitical risks.

Deep-Seated Structural Issues: Slowing population growth and aging lead to shrinking domestic aggregate demand, putting pressure on the social security system.

Financial and Debt Risks: Crises in the real estate sector,，such as the recentEvergrande debt crisis,，and risks from local government debt have adversely affected economic stability.

Institutional Constraints and Policy Impacts: High tax burdens may squeeze the vitality of the real economy, while strengthened regulatory controls over private enterprises，have alsoledtoeconomic growth slowing or negatively impacting business dynamism.

The compounding of these issues has significantly increased social conflicts, particularly as the income distribution gap among residents remains wide. When economic gains fail to "benefit all people more and more fairly," the public's awareness of fairness and rights continues to grow, leading to strong dissatisfaction with social inequities.

Once the economy remains persistently sluggish, people's "aspiration" for a better life may transform into disappointment and questioning of the current system. Historically, the failure of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union did not occur during its economic peak, but when its leadership implemented erroneous policies, leading toeconomicgrowth slowdown,stagnation in social development. Such changes in data and daily lifewere sufficient to triggerdissatisfaction among some of the masses,ultimatelyunder the liberal reforms promoted by the reformists in power, the Soviet Unionlost all legitimacy and moral foundation for its existence. This is the logical chain of economic issues transforming into political crises.

2. "Mismatched" coping strategies and the deviation from seeking truth from facts

Against this backdrop, we must examine the current coping strategies. I have observed that certain decisions by the Central Politburo have consistently called for "singing the strongest voice of China's economy." This attitude, in my view,China's Central Politburois using methods to counter cultural color revolutions to address economic color revolutions—a case of mismatched approaches.

Color revolutions" in the cultural sphere primarily target ideology, historical perspectives, values, and political systems. In such struggles, through positive propaganda，promoting the main theme, spreading positive energy, ideological transformation，cultivating and practicing core socialist values，and strengthening cultural censorship, it is indeed effective in consolidating the "common ideological foundation.

However, an economic crisis is a matter of material foundations, not merely a problem of spiritual beliefs. We cannot expect to resolve practical challenges such as real estate debt, local fiscal difficulties, and structural unemployment simply by promoting messages like "the situation is excellent." This attitude of "reporting only the good news while concealing the bad" brings about dual harm:

First, it contradicts Chairman Mao's ideological principle of "seeking truth from facts." Upholding this principle means "proceeding from the laws governing the existence and development of objective realities and acting in accordance with these laws in practice." Our thoughts and actions must align with objective laws, meet the demands of the times, and serve the interests of the people. If we deviate from reality, ignore profoundly changing objective facts, cling to outdated ways, and become complacent, we must resolutely correct these tendencies. The slowdown in economic growth and the increase in contradictions are objective realities. If we evade problems for the sake of so-called "stability," not only will we fail to resolve conflicts, but we will also allow issues to accumulate covertly—much like how the Soviet leadership under Brezhnev concealed severe underlying or apparent problems in the economy, politics, and ethnic policies, ultimately sowing the seeds for extremely grave consequences.

Second, this "blocking" approach is precisely the opposite of the old Chinese saying "dredging is better than blocking." When we attempt to use propaganda machinery to cover up economic contradictions, we risk damaging the Party's flesh-and-blood ties with the masses. Once the masses perceive that our Party has become detached from them and lost their support, it will ultimately lead to failure. Only by guiding the masses and acknowledging economic development issues can we channel their concerns and dissatisfaction into positive and constructive directions.

Therefore, the correct way to address economic color revolutions is not to whitewash reality through public opinion, but to confront problems head-on and propose socialist solutions that fundamentally resolve the drawbacks of capitalism.

We must use Marxist scientific theory and the essence of Mao Zedong Thought—seeking truth from facts—as our critique and guide. Comrade Mao Zedong once said: "Whether a political line is correct or not is not a theoretical question, but a practical one." The current economic challenges we face are precisely the practical test of whether our political line is correct.

1. Acknowledging Problems: The Political Courage to Seek Truth from Facts

Upholding the principle of seeking truth from facts requires the courage to "uphold truth and correct errors for the people's interests." The great practice of China's reform and opening-up was built upon a profound reflection on the painful lessons of the decade-long turmoil of the Cultural Revolution, moving away fromDogmatismbreaking free from the errors of dogmatism. In terms of emancipating our minds, we cannot remain stagnant, nor can we dare to do nothing and attempt nothing.

The prominent issues currently existing in the economy, including imbalances, lack of coordination, and unsustainability in development, the persistent disparities between urban and rural areas as well as in income distribution among residents, and the increasing social contradictions, are all evident. The central authorities have clearly recognized that the key to resolving these issues lies in deepening reforms.

However, such reforms must take promoting social fairness and justice, as well as enhancing the well-being of the people, as their starting point and ultimate goal. We must soberly recognize that if reforms fail to bring tangible benefits to the people, if they do not create a fairer social environment, or even lead to more inequities, then the reforms lose their meaning and cannot be sustained.

This tendency to "sing the loudest praises" stems from the fear that acknowledging problems will undermine confidence, which is a manifestation of a lack of "confidence in the system." We must understand that the robustness of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics does not lie in concealing contradictions, but in the systemic advantage of our "ability to resolve" them. As Comrade Deng Xiaoping stated, our social harmony and stability are meant to "better ensure the people's position as masters of the country" and "enable the fruits of development to benefit all people more extensively and fairly.

2. Guiding the Masses: From Political Struggle to Economic Consciousness

Throughout history, our Party has always relied on the strength of the masses. Whether in revolution, construction, or reform, the emergence and development of all new things have stemmed from the practice and wisdom of hundreds of millions of people.

When facing the political risks that economic crises may bring, we should not regard the masses as objects requiring "stability maintenance," but rather as the "main force" in solving problems. Comrade Mao Zedong once pointed out that we must believe the majority of the masses support socialism. Even among those who do not support or oppose socialism, the most stubborn elements constitute only a tiny minority. Therefore, we must openly share the economic situation with the masses, acknowledge the challenges, and then gradually steer the direction of solving economic development issues toward the advancement of the state-owned public sector of the economy.

This requires us to conduct profound ideological education and political guidance among the masses in the economic sphere. We must help the masses recognize that:

The current unfair phenomena in the economy,，such as widening distribution gaps and private enterprises contributing to unemployment rates, are manifestations of capitalist drawbacks that we have yet to fully overcome while adhering to the socialist market economy.

Only by maintaining the dominant position of the public sector of the economy can we ensure that the fruits of development ultimately serve the common prosperity of all people.

The fundamental solution to the problem lies not in embracing the Western so-called "multi-party system" or "separation of powers," but in deepening the reform of public ownership, liberating and developing productive forces through the reform and development of socialism itself under the strong leadership of the Party.

This guidance, in essence, is a new form of mass line education and practice, enabling the masses to reaffirm their belief in the socialist system through concrete practices in economic life.

I firmly believe that the best way to counter economic "color revolutions" is for the masses to experience an "economic development revolution" after the military revolution of the Liberation War and the ideological revolution of the Cultural Revolution, allowing socialism and the public ownership economy to solve the many economic problems faced by modern China's capitalization.

21st Century SocialismThe Core of the Economic Development Revolution: Re-strengthening the Dominant Role of Public Ownership

The dominant position of the socialist public ownership economy is an important pillar for consolidating and developing the socialist system with Chinese characteristics. Our core task is to develop the public ownership economy, uphold the dominant position of public ownership, and leverage the leading role of the state-owned economy.

As I pointed out in the previous section, while the private sector creates profits, it may do so at the cost of stable employment and fair distribution, which poses political risks to our Party. Therefore, we must use the means of an "economic revolution" to correct the errors of excessive privatization since the 1990s and reconsolidate the leading position of public ownership.

This "economic development revolution" does not mean reverting to the rigid and inefficient planned economy of the past, but rather achieving the self-improvement and development of the public sector economy under new historical conditions. We must:

Strengthen the control and influence of the state-owned economy: State capital should be directed more toward key industries and sectors vital to national security and the lifeline of the national economy, focusing on providing public services, developing important strategic industries, and safeguarding national security.

Deepen the reform of state-owned enterprises to achieve a unity of vitality and dominance: State-owned enterprises have accumulated certain issues and shortcomings, necessitating further reforms. The goal of reform is to integrate state-owned enterprises with the market economy, improve operational efficiency, reasonably assume social responsibilities, while also refining corporate governance structures, establishing incentive and restraint mechanisms, and strengthening accountability.

The key lies in breaking the stereotype that "public ownership is inherently inefficient." One of the lessons from the collapse of the Soviet Union and its Communist Party was that its leadership abandoned socialist public ownership, allowing a minority to exploit privatization reforms for personal gain at public expense, plundering public assets, fostering a new bourgeoisie, and ultimately destroying the Soviet Communist Party. China must never follow this path. Our revolution must be one that uses market competition as a means, centers on the efficiency of public ownership, and aims for common prosperity.

2. Market and Public Ownership: Survival of the Fittest in Competition

Long-term fair competition between private enterprises and state-owned enterprises must be conducted to achieve survival of the fittest, which logically aligns with the fundamental task of "liberating and developing social productive forces.

In practice, our Party has also explored the dialectical relationship of using the market as a means. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, our Party has made significant theoretical advancements in economic system reform, proposing that the market should play a decisive role in resource allocation while ensuring the government plays a better role.

The role of the market: Market-based resource allocation is the most efficient form, capable of maximizing benefits and optimizing efficiency in resource allocation, providing enterprises and individuals with greater vitality and broader space to develop the economy and create wealth.

The role of the government: The government’s responsibilities and functions primarily include maintaining macroeconomic stability, strengthening and optimizing public services, ensuring fair competition, enhancing market supervision, maintaining market order, promoting sustainable development, advancing common prosperity, and addressing market failures.

This dialectical unity precisely provides the institutional and theoretical foundation for our "economic development revolution." The government must use its "visible hand" to strengthen supervision, rectify the wealth gap and unfair resource distribution caused by market failures, andResolveThe widespread unemployment created by private enterprises in their pursuit of profits.

The true economic revolution is reflected in the state's resolute use of administrative and economic means to incorporate the negative spillover effects of private capital into the overall planning of the public sector economy. For instance, by increasing the proportion of state-owned capital gains transferred to the public treasury for greater use in safeguarding and improving people's livelihoods, this directly aligns with the fundamental principles of the public sector economy in addressing wealth disparity and promoting social fairness and justice.

3. Countering Peaceful Evolution with Economic Revolution

In the face of risks of peaceful evolution in the economic sphere, we must win this new war with material achievements and institutional advantages.

Peaceful evolution is not merely the infiltration of external forces' ideologies; more importantly, it requires internal corruption and theoretical deviation as its accomplices. Gorbachev's foreign policy "New Thinking" advocated that "the interests and values of all humanity take precedence over everything," promoting the "de-ideologization" of international relations. This essentially abandoned the Marxist theory of class struggle, tying one's own hands and feet, ultimately leading the CPSU to concede defeat in the face of the international bourgeoisie's offensive.

We must learn from this lesson: in foreign affairs, we adhere to an independent and peaceful foreign policy, but in economics and internal governance, the concept of class struggle must not be abandoned. Under new historical conditions， Within the framework of the socialist market economy，The concrete manifestation of class struggle lies in the competition for dominance in resource allocation between public ownership and private ownership, as well as the contest between common prosperity and polarization.

Only through the economic development revolution, by demonstrating the unparalleled superiority of socialism and the public-owned economy in addressing prominent issues closely related to people's vital interests—such as high unemployment rates, wealth disparities, housing, and healthcare—can we genuinely consolidate the Party's governance foundation and earn the heartfelt endorsement and support of the people.

As Lenin stated, the proletariat needs state power not only to suppress the resistance of the exploiters but also to lead the masses in "adjusting" the socialist economy. The current economic predicament is a severe test of our ability to effectively "adjust" the socialist economy. We cannot merely be guardians of culture; we must become thorough revolutionaries in the economy, using the great achievements of public ownership and common prosperity to completely shatter any illusions of economic color revolution. This is the significant responsibility we must shoulder to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

In the dialectical development of history, our Party has repeatedly emphasized the need to maintain clarity, guard against "leftist" deviations, and oppose "rightist" tendencies, striving to achieve a dynamic balance between the grand narrative of collectivism and the liberation of individual thought. Through a series of profound political education and value guidance, we have attempted to achieve a certain degree of balance and stability in the cultural and ideological spheres.

However, the underlying contradictions currently exposed in Chinese society are no longer mere struggles over ideological lines but a more concealed and destructive structural imbalance: ideologically leaning "leftward," while economic practices are rapidly accelerating "rightward.

1. The Tension Between Ideology and Economy: The Confusion of the Younger Generation and the Warning Bell of Fertility Rates

This contradiction of "left-leaning ideology and rightward economic practices" has led to profound internal fragmentation within the social fabric.

Ideologically, we uphold the banner of Marxism, emphasize common prosperity, fairness and justice, and the leadership of the proletariat, and maintain the Party's advanced nature and purity through swift and resolute anti-corruption campaigns. This grand narrative and the reaffirmation of ideals and beliefs are undoubtedly "leftward" political efforts aimed at consolidating the Communists' "spiritual calcium.

However, in the economic sphere, the market has been granted a "decisive role" in resource allocation, providing vast development space for private capital. While we uphold the dominant position of public ownership, the side effects of this marketization process—such as structural downward risks, declining capital returns, high living costs, uneven distribution of educational resources, and insufficient coverage of medical security—are impacting the lives of ordinary workers at an unprecedented speed and scale. This excessive reliance on efficiency and market competition is precisely the outcome of "right-leaning" economic practices.

This profound internal inconsistency constitutes the fundamental source of contemporary youth confusion and fertility rate issues.

While individuals are educated about "the working class being the masters of the country" and "common prosperity," they simultaneously face harsh competition driven by market dominance, exploitation violating labor laws, and survival pressures from "involution." When individuals discover their economic problems cannot be resolved through "collective" efforts but instead require "extreme personal struggle" anda 12-hour work system without overtime pay or vacations-style sacrifices just to barely survive, their sense of belonging in collective life completely vanishes. This uncertainty about the future, economic pressures, and the vast gap between ideals and reality directly lead many young people to lose sight of how to plan for their future development. Ultimately, this manifests at the societal level as a significant decline in willingness to have children.

We must squarely face that the people demand continuous new progress in education for all, fair remuneration for labor, accessible medical care, support for the elderly, and adequate housing. This is the most fundamental test of our Party's governance legitimacy. If the fruits of development cannot "benefit all people more extensively and equitably," and if social fairness and justice are weakened, then any ideological propaganda will be empty, powerless, and merely scratching the surface.

2. Looking Back at the 1970s: Inherit the Revolutionary Spirit, Not the Impoverished System

In response to the current structural challenges, a dangerous and unrealistic ideological trend has emerged in society—fantasizing about returning to the highly centralized planned economy of the 1970s to solve current issues of unfair distribution and unemployment.

This line of thinking is extremely perilous; its harm lies in only seeing the superficial aspects of history while ignoring the essence:

First, poverty is not socialism. China's economy in the 1970s was relatively backward and stagnant, which was precisely the negative consequence of "Left" errors and a rigid system restraining productive forces. We must not forget that the historic decision of reform and opening up was made precisely to liberate productive forces, solve the people's basic needs for food and clothing, and ultimately achieve national prosperity. The notion that returning to the past can solve all problems is a typical example of historical idealism, which would lead us into an economic dead end once again.

Second, we must safeguard the achievements of reform and opening up. Reform and opening up is the "crucial move that determined the fate of contemporary China." It greatly liberated and developed productive forces, enabling our economy to achieve unprecedented vigorous growth. We must adhere to the "Two Unwaverings"—encouraging, supporting, and guiding the development of the non-public sector of the economy while maintaining the dominant position of public ownership. This is the dialectical approach of "both/and," embodying the integration of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution. Those who criticize our "both/and" approach fail to understand that we must utilize the "invisible hand" of the market under the dominance of public ownership to develop productive forces, serving the fundamental socialist goal of common prosperity.

However, we must deeply study and inherit from the 1970sthe spirit of class struggle andrevolutionary spirit. What we must learn from that era is the spirit of daring to break all conventions, to venture and strive, and to combat bureaucratism. Comrade Mao Zedong, when speaking of revolution, emphasized the courage to fight, to fear no hardship, and to despise American imperialism. This dauntless revolutionary courage and the spirit of thorough critique against old systems and ideologies are precisely what we urgently need today to counter the "peaceful evolution" in the economic sphere.

3. Reshaping the Focus of Struggle: The Bourgeois Bureaucrats Are Our Primary Enemy

Our target of struggle must not remain at the abstract level of "resenting the rich" or rigid debates over "public versus private ownership." Our true danger and primary task are to prevent the emergence of new classes in the country and to ensure that workers, peasants, and the proletariat do not lose political power.

The core of Marxist theory lies in class struggle, and true Marxists must simultaneously acknowledge the dictatorship of the proletariat. We must clearly recognize that in the primary stage of socialism, class struggle has not ended. The struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie is protracted, tortuous, and at times even intense in the ideological realm.

Currently, the greatest danger is the formation of bourgeois bureaucrats. They attempt to usurp political power，By abusing their power, they privatize state resources and use the authority granted by the people for personal gain.

Simultaneously, theyexploit the working masses,becoming bosses who violate labor laws to squeeze labor, harming the people's vital interests and creating social conflicts.They furtherpromote social regression,，They area small handful of class enemies attempting to transform our country into a high-tech slave society, combining capital and technology to reduce laborers intoslaves of the new era, while they become slave owners.

We must study and inherit the profound vigilance in Mao Zedong Thought against such internal corruption and degeneration. Comrade Mao Zedong emphasized that cadres must adhere to the system of participating in collective productive labor, calling it "a fundamental matter under the socialist system," which helps overcome bureaucracy and prevent revisionism and dogmatism. This bureaucratic style conflicting with the masses is one of the contradictions among the people.

During the 1970s, especially in the early stages of the Cultural Revolution, the approach to opposing the bureaucratic bourgeoisieis commendable. Although the Cultural Revolution, in its later stages,was proven in practice to be an erroneous political movement,its early phase,Its revolutionary core of opposing bureaucracy and the privileged class is what we still need to learn today. Our enemies are precisely that handful of class enemies attempting to turn our country into a high-tech slave state, those bosses who exploit labor in violation of labor laws, and the bourgeois bureaucrats. They are attempting to incite contradictions among our people, and we must remain highly vigilant and resolutely struggle against this.

Once Party cadres develop tendencies toward hedonism, bureaucracy, and detachment from the masses, the Party will lose its combat effectiveness and ultimately face the danger of the Party's and country's collapse. The fundamental reason for the collapse of the Soviet Party and state was precisely the ideological and political degeneration of its leadership, which abandoned the Party's vanguard character as the working class, progressing from formalism and bureaucracy to ultimately betraying the fundamental interests of the masses.

4. The Awakening of the Masses and the Victory of the "Economic Color Revolution

Faced with internal and external pressures, we must not lose confidence. We must not turn a blind eye to the economic achievements we have already made, while also maintaining full confidence in the future.

The world belongs to the youth, and China's future also belongs to the youth. We must trust in the wisdom and strength of the masses.

Comrade Mao Zedong taught us: "The people, and the people alone, are the motive force in the making of world history." We must believe that the majority of the masses support socialism, with only about ten percent disapproving or opposing it. Our task is to unite over ninety percent of the people.

Since capitalism can carry out an economic color revolution within communist countries，Through peaceful evolution, privatization, and ideological infiltration, as seen during Gorbachev's era in the Soviet Union ，Then we, the people, should have the ability to launch a "color revolution" to return to communism. This does not refer to a violent revolution, but rather a "economic development revolution" consciously and voluntarily participated in by the masses, with the core goal of consolidating and developing the public ownership economy.

The essence of this "economic color revolution" is to leverage the superiority of the socialist system to resolve the injustices and contradictions brought about by marketization, thoroughly defeating the class enemies who attempt to turn our country into a high-tech slave state. Its specific path is:

1. Public debates to win over the middle ground: In the face of economic challenges, we cannot "sing the loudest praises of China's economy" to evade problems. We must use the methods ofthe Cultural Revolution period—speaking out freely, airing views fully, holding great debates, and writing big-character postersThese forms created by the masses, under leadership, freely unfold nationwide debates, acknowledge economic development issues, and steer solutions toward the development of the public-owned economy. The purpose of such debates is precisely to win over those "wavering centrists who are half-convinced and half-skeptical," helping them understand the laws of social development and recognize that ultimately, they must heed the words of the proletariat and follow the socialist path.

2. Reshaping the "dominant" advantage of the public-owned economy: Since private enterprises contribute to unemployment, state-owned enterprises, as the embodiment of the public-owned economy, must take on the primary responsibility for stabilizing employment, ensuring people's livelihoods, and enhancing the well-being of workers. We must strengthen the control and influence of the state-owned economy, enabling it to better play the government's role in ensuring fair competition, promoting sustainable development, and advancing common prosperity. This is not a simple return to a planned economy but rather transforming the public-owned economy into a dominant force full of vitality and dynamism.

3.Resolutely Combat Exploitative Class Enemies: We must analyze the bourgeoisie and bourgeois intellectuals, and firmly combat and reform those bosses who exploit labor in violation of labor laws and degenerates who have transformed into bourgeois bureaucrats through the means of the people's democratic dictatorship. After the armed enemies are eliminated, unarmed enemies still exist and will inevitably engage in a desperate struggle against us. We must adhere to the principle of "learning from past mistakes to avoid future ones, and curing the sickness to save the patient," but at the same time, we must resolutely struggle against those who are "beyond redemption.

This economic development revolution will take the interests of the people as the highest standard and uphold the principle that practice is the sole criterion for testing truth. We must firmly believe in the masses, share their hearts and minds, share weal and woe, and unite in struggle. Only by relying on the wisdom and strength of hundreds of millions of people can we consolidate the achievements of reform and opening up, broaden the path of socialism, and ultimately realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Our future does not depend on a simple repetition of history, but on whether we can, under new historical conditions, use the living soul of Marxism—seeking truth from facts and the mass line—to thoroughly resolve internal class contradictions, enabling workers, peasants, and the proletariat to truly become the decisive subjects of this nation and era.

The Essential Distinction Between Reform and Revisionism—Vigilance Against the New Forms of "Economic Color Revolution

We must maintain a high degree of clarity and vigilance. Currently, China's economic development has undeniably advanced at the forefront of reform, with remarkable achievements. However, we must clearly distinguish the essential difference between reform and revisionism. Reform, as Comrade Deng Xiaoping stated, is China's "second revolution," aimed at liberating and developing social productive forces, ultimately establishing a vibrant and dynamic socialist economic system. Such reform must serve the fundamental principles of socialism: public ownership as the mainstay and common prosperity. Revisionism, on the other hand, is an erroneous and even reactionary ideological and political line, ultimately leading to the betrayal of the Party and the state, causing them to lose their legitimacy and foundation of justice.

The most pressing danger at present lies in the fact that a small faction of bourgeois bureaucrats and interest groups is attempting to use the great achievements of our reform as a tool to develop revisionism and even promote an economic color revolution. They exploit loopholes within the system and dependence on capital, gradually eroding the fabric of socialism without being noticed.

1. Manifestations of Capitalist Maladies in China: Media Imbalance and the Collapse of Public Trust

We observe that excessive marketization of the economy and reliance on capital have infiltrated departments that should inherently uphold ideological positions. Many state-owned television stations and media outlets, driven by economic interests, now fundamentally conflict with the nature of a Marxist political party in their conduct.

1 . Media Alienation and Blind Obedience to Capital

In the face of substantial advertising profits, some state-owned media have abandoned the proletarian class stance and the ideological line of seeking truth from facts. In pursuit of economic benefits, they disregard whether advertising content constitutes false propaganda, and even in news production, fabricated reports have become commonplace. Such behavior essentially signifies the erosion of the principle that ideological and political work serves as the "lifeline of all economic work.

As Comrade Mao Zedong emphasized, ideology and politics are the commanders and the soul, while economic and professional work are the "subordinates." Once political work is neglected, economic and technical work are bound to deviate onto a wrong path. When state-owned media, as bastions of propagating the political line, become dominated by the corrosive influence of capital, they lose their essential purpose of serving the proletariat and all people. This corruption and profit-seeking mentality precisely reflect the decadent and declining ideology of the bourgeoisie.

2 . Loss of Credibility and the Breach for Color Revolutions

This infiltration of capital is causing China's media to lose credibility, which precisely serves as the first breakthrough point for an economic color revolution. When the masses discover that even institutions representing national ideology are lying and shielding false propaganda, cracks begin to form in their trust in the system.

We must acknowledge that one foundation of our governance legitimacy lies in our ability to continuously strengthen national unity, improve people's livelihoods, and sustain the development of productive forces. However, if we become detached from the masses and lose their support and endorsement, we will ultimately face failure. If the needs and voices of the grassroots cannot be truthfully reflected, and instead are filled with false "strongest voices," the people's "aspiration for a better life" will be difficult to realize. When the fundamental interests of the people are harmed by these bourgeois bureaucrats and the media they have bought off, contradictions accumulate, undoubtedly providing an opening for hostile forces to implement peaceful evolution strategies.

2. Ideological Disguise and Reactionary Forces Under the Banner of "Patriotism

More threateningly, the current ideological struggle has entered a highly complex phase of camouflage.

1 .Anti-Socialist Core Cloaked in the Guise of "Patriotism

Today, the challenge we face is that many cultural creators and capitalists are well aware of our vigilance against "color revolutions"—particularly liberalizing tendencies in culture. They no longer openly oppose socialism but instead adopt a more deceptive strategy: under the banner of patriotism, the films they produce and the cultural works they create actually carry a core that opposes socialism and glorifies privatization.

This behavior precisely exploits and distorts our struggle against "bourgeois liberalization." The trend of bourgeois liberalization worships Western capitalist "democracy" and "freedom" while negating socialism. These so-called "patriotic" works amplify individual struggle, excessively idolize private capital, downplay class contradictions, and even promote abstract theories of human nature and humanitarianism to advocate for bourgeois ideology. This "white before red" approach—，first endorsing the bourgeois worldview, then feigning support for the proletariat, or in other words, "speaking Marxism while practicing liberalism"—is a two-faced tactic that severely corrupts the minds of the masses, especially the younger generation.

We must remember that the dictatorship of the proletariat must cultivate its own intellectual ranks and transform them into proletarian intellectuals. Those intellectuals who do not align with the proletariat but instead rely on "the rice bowl of socialist public ownership" risk becoming "gentlemen on the beams"—detached and opportunistic.

II . The Fog of Struggle: Who Is the True Enemy？

The direct consequence of this "economic color revolution" draped in patriotic banners is: those who truly recognize the problems and criticize capital's erosion are vilified as enemies of socialism by capitalists and cultural creators cloaked in patriotism. Meanwhile, the true class enemies package themselves as defenders of socialism. They exploit our fear of color revolutions to cleverly implement economically right-leaning policies, thereby achieving their revisionist goals.

This obfuscation creates a risk that our Party may struggle to "see clearly to the bottom" in class struggle. Genuine hardcore anti-socialists likely constitute only about 2%, but they are scattered everywhere. Only through mass-created new forms like "great debates, mass expression, big-character posters, and free airing of views" can we discern the true situation. Without class analysis and examination of the bourgeoisie and bourgeois intellectuals, it becomes difficult to penetrate this fog.

3. Social Consequences of Structural Imbalance: Loss of Belonging and Reproductive Difficulties

Ideologically leaning left，Holding high ideals, emphasizing collectivism，While economically moving right，The tension between market brutality and capital exploitation is issuing the most severe warning through tangible social consequences.

I . The Collapse of Belonging and Youth Disorientation

When young people are ideologically required to firmly uphold "serving the people," "hard work and plain living," and becoming "proletarian intellectuals," yet in economic reality face bosses who exploit labor in violation of labor laws and the risks of a "high-tech slavery system," they will experience a deficiency in "spiritual calcium.

Young people are in the prime period of learning; they need correct political perspectives and must integrate their life ideals into the great cause of national prosperity and rejuvenation. However, if the pressure of economic reality severely diverges from their ideals and beliefs, it will lead to confusion about their future direction. What they personally experience are the consequences of the erosion of the public sector's dominant position by private capital, which inevitably causes issues with their sense of belonging to collective life and the nation. This problem is precisely one of the deep-seated social reasons for the significant decline in China's birth rate.

II . The Birth Crisis and the Shaking of the Economic Foundation

The global decline in birth rates is a universal phenomenon, influenced by factors such as rising childcare costs and increased female education and labor participation. However, China's low birth rate issue is particularly pronounced. Although the state is alleviating burdens through policies on taxation, housing, and education, if young people generally perceive that a capital-dominated competitive environment cannot guarantee their future stability and well-being, any policy support will struggle to fundamentally resolve the problem.

We must admit that the social structural imbalances caused by this economic rightward shift have undermined people's confidence in the future, which is more alarming than a simple economic downturn. This runs counter to our Party's pursuit of "the people's aspiration for a better life.

4 . A Revolutionary Path to Counter Economic Color Revolutions: Trust the Masses, Rekindle the Spirit of Struggle

We should deeply recognize that blaming current economic problems on "returning to the 1970s" is extremely dangerous. The system of the 1970s had severe economic issues, with productive forces constrained—such poverty was never socialism. We must safeguard the achievements of reform and opening up and adhere to economic development as the central task.

1 .Learn the Spirit of Struggle from the 1970s

What we need is to learn the spirit of the 1970s—the courage to break through all barriers and dare to venture and strive—particularly the revolutionary core of opposing the bureaucratic bourgeoisie during the Cultural Revolution. Although the Cultural Revolution has been proven to be an erroneous political movement, its spirit of opposing privileged classes and bureaucratism remains worthy of vigilance and inheritance.

We must, as Comrade Mao Zedong demanded, maintain a style of humility, prudence, and freedom from arrogance and impatience, and continue to uphold the spirit of hard work. This style helps resist corruption.

2 .Trust the Masses: Launching the "Great Debate" in the Economic Field

The best way to counter economic color revolution is not to evade problems but to confront them directly and trust the masses. As Comrade Mao Zedong proposed during the socialist revolution, speaking out freely, airing views fully, holding great debates, and writing big-character posters are innovative forms created by the masses. These methods enable leaders to "see the bottom clearly," distinguishing the majority who support socialism from the die-hard minority firmly opposed to it.

We should:

1. Publicize and guide: Address the contradictions and issues in economic development openly and gradually steer solutions toward advancing the state-owned public sector economy. Be transparent with the masses, helping them understand the laws of social development.

2. Initiate debates, divide the enemy: Utilize great debates to win over those "wavering centrists" who are half-convinced and half-skeptical of socialism, ultimately persuading them that the proletarian direction is correct. This approach can prevent incidents like those in Hungary.

3. Resolve contradictions through public ownership: Let socialism and the public sector economy address the many economic challenges arising from China's capitalization. We must uphold and develop the public sector economy, enabling it to play a leading role in solving core issues such as employment and narrowing the wealth gap, thereby consolidating the people's democratic dictatorship.

III . Refocusing on class struggle: The enemy lies within our ranks

Our enemies are the bourgeois bureaucrats, the bosses who exploit labor in violation of labor laws, and the handful of class adversaries attempting to transform our country into a high-tech slave society. They are precisely those who leverage power for rent-seeking, engage in departmentalism, and detach themselves from the masses—corrosive elements both inside and outside the Party.

The focus of this struggle is the conflict between the proletariat leading the working people and the bourgeoisie, with its highest expression being the dictatorship of the proletariat. We must address the prominent issues within the Party with determination, seriousness, and earnestness to prevent the unchecked spread of corruption and erroneous ideologies. We must clearly recognize: the Right can ruin socialism, and the "Left" can also ruin socialism. China must guard against the Right, but primarily prevent the "Left." The current danger lies in economic right-deviationism concealed under "Left" dogmatism.

We must maintain clear minds, adopt a spirit of seeking truth from facts, proceed from objectively existing realities, and use Marxist-Leninist dialectical materialism to analyze problems—neither entirely negating nor entirely affirming. Only in this way can we steadfastly uphold our direction in reform, overcome all difficulties, and continue advancing.

The Examination through Historical Materialism and the Lifeline of the Proletarian Party

In the face of severe challenges in the current economic field and the complex disguises in the ideological sphere, we now more than ever need to return to the fundamental philosophy of Marxism—objective materialism and dialectics. This is not merely an academic posture but a ideological line that determines the survival of our proletarian party.

1. Adhering to the Marxist philosophy of seeking truth from facts: Acknowledging contradictions, rejecting one-sidedness

The philosophy of Marxism, namely dialectical materialism, has two most prominent characteristics: one is its class nature, openly declaring its service to the proletariat; the other is its practical nature, emphasizing the dependence of theory on practice, with the criterion of truth being social practice.

We must recognize that human history is a continuous process of development from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom, a process that will never end. Therefore, we must always approach the achievements and mistakes of our party in different historical periods with a developmental perspective and an attitude of seeking truth from facts. Seeking truth from facts means that "truth" refers to all objectively existing things, "facts" refer to the internal connections of objective things, that is, their laws, and "seeking" means we must study them. We must proceed from objectively existing facts and derive guiding principles, policies, and methods from analyzing these facts.

We cannot "ponder hard in isolation to 'devise methods'" like the idealists, because that "will certainly fail to produce any good methods." We must overcome that subjectivity, one-sidedness, and superficiality. One-sidedness means not knowing how to look at problems comprehensively, seeing only the part and not the whole, seeing only the trees and not the forest.

We must acknowledge that contradictions exist within everything. To affirm everything or negate everything in our work is one-sided. If we only see the bright side and not the difficulties, we cannot effectively struggle to fulfill the Party's tasks. Similarly, seeing only the shortcomings and mistakes while ignoring the mainstream will cause people to lose confidence.

Therefore, we must squarely face the mistakes and contributions made in every period and by every leader. Only in this way can we avoid repeating historical errors and make our work "more correct, more vibrant, and richer with each iteration.

2. The Warning from the Soviet Union: Khrushchev's Erroneous Line and the Crisis of the Party's Credibility

In handling historical issues, the lessons from the Soviet Union are extremely profound.

Khrushchev's secret report at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, which publicly denied previous leaders and one-sidedly criticized their mistakes while ignoring their contributions, created a major ideological rift within the Party and the international communist movement, dealing a heavy blow to it.

We must recognize that the erroneous ideological and political line initiated by the Soviet leadership under Khrushchev was the fundamental cause of the eventual collapse of the Party and the state. In addressing the issue of Stalin, the Soviet Union adopted an extreme approach—suddenly lowering him from "a height of ten thousand zhang" to "nine thousand zhang underground." This wholesale and one-sided negation of historical figures and periods created confusion among cadres and the masses regarding their own history and weakened the Party's theoretical foundation. They even adopted the shortcomings of others, and by the time they prided themselves on mastering them, those very practices had already been abandoned elsewhere, resulting in a "stumble and fall.

The deeper issue lies in Khrushchev's "Three Peaces" theories—"peaceful coexistence" and "peaceful competition"—which, against the backdrop of the West intensifying its peaceful evolution strategy, amounted to nothing more than wishful thinking. They served to dismantle the ideological fortifications of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and provided an opening for hostile forces to advance their peaceful evolution agenda. The errors of this line led the Soviet Union to disproportionately prioritize heavy industry in economic development while neglecting agriculture and light industry, resulting in shortages of goods in the market and monetary instability. Their policies toward peasants, such as the "compulsory procurement system," "exploited the peasants bitterly," akin to "expecting the hen to lay more eggs without feeding it grain, and wanting the horse to run fast without letting it graze." The combination of this rigid economic system and one-sided historical negation caused the masses to seriously doubt the Party's governance capacity and political line, ultimately leading to tragic consequences.

3. China's Wisdom: Deng Xiaoping's Historical Assessment of Mao Zedong and Political Steadfastness

In stark contrast to Khrushchev's approach toward Stalin, Comrade Deng Xiaoping's handling of Chairman Mao's historical status and merits and demerits during the period of rectifying errors demonstrated the political wisdom and historical steadfastness of a proletarian revolutionary.

Comrade Deng Xiaoping did not treat Chairman Mao in the manner of Khrushchev but affirmed Chairman Mao's immense contributions. Comrade Deng Xiaoping stated that Comrade Mao Zedong had three parts error and seven parts achievement, and overall remained a great Marxist. Comrade Deng Xiaoping upheld the restoration and development of the "ideological line of seeking truth from facts" regarding Comrade Mao Zedong. He explicitly emphasized the need to guide the Party's work with the accurate and complete Mao Zedong Thought and criticized the erroneous policy of the "Two Whatevers," pointing out its incompatibility with Marxism.

The evaluation of "seven parts achievement, three parts error" is just. It prevented China from completely negating its history and avoided the loss of the "entire foundation of legitimacy and justice" for the Party and the state due to ideological rifts, as seen in the Soviet Union. It is precisely this responsible attitude toward history that has safeguarded China's stability to this day. As the great leader of the Chinese people, Chairman Mao is a spiritual symbol in the hearts of the masses. Just as the proletariat needs its own contingent of intellectuals, Chairman Mao is the soul of the people. Upholding his historical contributions means preserving the people's fundamental trust in the Party and maintaining the political foundation of the country.

We must recognize that Comrade Deng Xiaoping's course correction was built precisely upon profound reflections of historical errors such as the "Cultural Revolution." These mistakes and setbacks taught us lessons, making us comparatively wiser, and enabling us to handle our affairs better. The theories of class struggle and the people's democratic dictatorship within Mao Zedong Thought remain crucial ideological weapons in our fight against revisionism and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie. The dictatorship of the proletariat represents the highest expression of the proletariat's revolutionary role in history.

4. Evaluating Deng Xiaoping: Outstanding Economic Contributions and Limitations of the Era

Just as we cannot one-sidedly negate Chairman Mao's historical contributions, we must not one-sidedly negate Comrade Deng Xiaoping's great contributions while facing economic challenges today. His immense contributions to China, particularly in the economic sphere, are indelible.

1 .Remarkable Achievements in Economic Development

Comrade Deng Xiaoping's core contribution lies in his clear assertion that poverty is not socialism and in leading China onto the path of liberating and developing productive forces.

1. The Second Revolution in Liberating Productive Forces: He explicitly stated that reform is China's second revolution, fundamentally transforming the economic system that constrained the development of productive forces. The success of rural reforms, especially the "sudden rise" of township enterprises, resolved the issue of employment for a large surplus rural labor force and promoted the development of both industry and agriculture.

2.  Strategic Decision of Opening Up: He pointed out that a major reason for China's prolonged stagnation and backwardness was isolation. Adhering to the policy of opening up serves as a supplement to developing productive forces, enabling the absorption of foreign capital and technology, which ultimately benefits socialism.

3.  Ideological Liberation and Theoretical Innovation: He resolved the fundamental issue that "whether planning or market forces play a larger role is not the essential difference between socialism and capitalism," breaking through the rigid dogmas of the past and laying the theoretical foundation for China's economic takeoff.

It was precisely the reform and opening up initiated by Comrade Deng Xiaoping that enabled China to achieve rapid economic development within just a few decades, lifting the country out of long-term poverty and backwardness and significantly improving the living standards of the people.

II . Historical Limitations and New Challenges

However, we must also adhere to the dialectical method of analyzing contradictions and acknowledge that any historical figure has limitations. Historical constraints prevent Comrade Deng Xiaoping from being resurrected to solve the problems China faces today. In his era, the primary task was to develop productive forces and address the issue that "poverty is not socialism." In this process, new contradictions and problems inevitably emerged, particularly the negative factors brought about by marketization and opening up.

He himself was clearly aware that opening up and revitalizing would inevitably bring some negative elements. He emphasized the need to "work on two fronts simultaneously": one hand promoting reform and opening up, the other cracking down on criminal activities and advancing cultural and ethical progress. He explicitly stated that socialism has two fundamental principles: first, maintaining public ownership as the mainstay, and second, preventing polarization.

The issues China faces today—such as wealth disparity, class differentiation, and capital's infiltration of media—are absolutely not what Comrade Deng Xiaoping wished to see. Particularly, the greatest danger after our Party assumed power is becoming detached from the masses, and capital's erosion of the media precisely hinders our ability to listen to the people's voices and undermines public trust. These problems have been exploited and exacerbated in the new historical period by bourgeois bureaucrats and a handful of class enemies attempting to transform our country into a high-tech slave society.

Therefore, the current problems can by no means be attributed solely to Comrade Deng Xiaoping. We must both affirm Comrade Deng Xiaoping's contributions to the nation and the revolution, and address deviations in the reforms with the principle of "learning from past mistakes to prevent future ones, and curing the sickness to save the patient." We must uphold and develop his core line—adhering to the Four Cardinal Principles and persisting in reform and opening up—while utilizing socialism's inherent advantages to resolve the capitalist drawbacks arising from the marketization process.

Only when we apply the living soul of Marxism—the method of analyzing specific issues concretely—to provide pertinent analyses of these contradictions and decisively utilize the dominant role of the public sector economy to correct right-deviationist tendencies in economic practices, can we avoid new historical mistakes, continue advancing the proletarian revolutionary cause, and ultimately achieve the great goal of common prosperity. We must maintain the spirit of arduous struggle and rely on the consciousness of the masses to overcome those true enemies who attempt to exploit our fear of color revolutions to push for economic color revolutions using capitalist methods.

When examining the historical course of contemporary China from the philosophical perspective of objective materialism, a grand and complex panorama becomes clear: Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping at its core has, through firm political will and profound self-revolution, corrected many prominent problems in our Party and national production and livelihood, initially significantly enhancing government credibility and national prosperity. However, amid the current China-U.S. trade war and various challenges under new circumstances, the Communist Party of China now faces a phase where accumulated problems from the past are erupting collectively.

The depth and breadth of these challenges cannot be fully resolved by relying solely on one generation of leadership. It requires us not only to address current economic difficulties but also to thoroughly cleanse and critique the historical toxins lingering in ideological, political, and economic practices.

1. Regularized Anti-Corruption: The Historical Mission to Save the Communist Party of China

In facing the historical process of domestic and international risks and challenges, our Party must consistently serve as the backbone for the entire nation, continuously enhancing its capacity to resist corruption, prevent degeneration, and withstand risks. The regularized anti-corruption struggle promoted by Comrade Xi Jinping since assuming office is precisely the most profound response to the governance crisis of the proletarian party.

We must acknowledge that if corruption intensifies unchecked, it will inevitably lead to the demise of both the Party and the country. It is precisely with this recognition of "survival or extinction" that regularized anti-corruption, through resolutely addressing the "Four Forms of Decadence"—formalism, bureaucratism, hedonism, and extravagance—as well as tackling the susceptibility and prevalence of negative corruption in certain areas, has accomplished the historical mission of saving the Communist Party of China.

Comrade Mao Zedong warned early on that our military must adhere to correct principles in the relationships between officers and soldiers, between the army and the people, and between the army and the Party, and must never commit the error of warlordism. Cadres must persist in the system of participating in collective productive labor, which is "a fundamental matter under the socialist system," helping to overcome bureaucracy and prevent revisionism and dogmatism. When corruption and bureaucracy prevail, cadres become "masters riding on the backs of the people," their actions disconnected from the interests of the people, ultimately leading to alienation from the masses, loss of popular support, and eventual failure.

The core of anti-corruption and work style construction lies in closely linking the Party with the masses and cadres with the masses, maintaining flesh-and-blood ties with the people. The political significance of anti-corruption lies in fundamentally correcting the degeneration of the Soviet Communist Party leadership, which began during Khrushchev's era and peaked under Brezhnev—they progressed from pursuing personal promotions and family privileges to ultimately betraying the fundamental interests of the people.

This anti-corruption struggle has greatly restored and enhanced the credibility of the Party and the state. It precisely takes the people's standpoint as the starting point and ultimate goal, ensuring that the Party always shares the same heart, breath, and destiny with the people.

2. The Concentrated Outbreak of Historical Issues and the Rigidity of Ideological Lines

However, the issues left over from the early stages of reform and opening up thirty years ago, particularly the negative effects of excessive marketization and unequal distribution of power, are now entering a period of concentrated eruption. These problems include unbalanced, uncoordinated, and unsustainable development, significant disparities in urban-rural and regional development as well as income distribution among residents, and the potential squeeze on the vitality of the real economy due to high tax burdens.

This has led Comrade Xi Jinping to stabilize the fundamental aspects both economically and ideologically, requiring the continuation of reform and opening up while simultaneously correcting the right-deviationist maladies that have emerged during this process.

One notable internal issue is the excessive rigidity in thinking. This rigidity stems from a one-sided summary of historical experiences and a fear of the power of the masses.

I . The Exploitation of "Emancipation of the Mind" and the Cage of Oppression

We must examine history with the attitude of dialectical materialism. In the late 1970s, our Party needed a thorough emancipation of the mind to correct the erroneous "Left" line. Tracing back even further, the movement based on the theory of "continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat" was claimed to be an emancipation of the mind.

Comrade Mao Zedong advocated the "Great Voicing, Great Liberation, Great Debate, and Big-Character Posters," which were innovative forms created by the masses, aimed at overcoming bureaucracy, sectarianism, and subjectivism within the Party through democratic movements under centralized leadership and mass self-criticism. This indeed presented an excellent opportunity for ideological liberation created by Chairman Mao during his tenure. We once loudly called for the overthrow of Confucius, we dared to act and fight, and even witnessed "extreme freedom and democracy" on the democracy wall calling for Comrade Deng Xiaoping to lead.

However, this practice of ideological liberation was quickly distorted. Comrade Mao Zedong emphasized the need to trust the majority of the masses while remaining vigilant against the die-hard anti-socialist elements, who likely constituted only about two percent but still represented a significant force. Unfortunately, this movement was exploited by a handful of royalists and children of the elite, turning the Cultural Revolution in its later stages into a situation where the elite's offspring fabricated charges, engaged in infighting, and divided the country. This exploitation transformed a movement originally aimed at opposing revisionism and bourgeois bureaucracy into a cage that suppressed thought in its later phases.

II . Oppression by Grassroots Bureaucracy and the Stigmatization of Socialism

This fear of ideological emancipation and mass struggle, combined with the excessive administrative power granted to grassroots officials in the early stages of reform and opening up for the sake of efficiency, led to chaotic grassroots management and laid the groundwork for subsequent right-leaning practices.

In particular, Comrade Deng Xiaoping's proposal to use "administrative and legal means" to maintain stability was misinterpreted and abused by some grassroots officials in practice. During specific periods, such as under the pressure of birth planning targets and the "Strike Hard" campaign, it indeed resulted in grassroots officials wielding the stick of the law to arbitrarily exploit and oppress the people. To meet birth planning quotas, they forcibly implemented sterilization, and to maintain low crime rates, they fabricated charges on a large scale to arrest so-called dangerous individuals.

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