Christina Queen of Sweden: The Restless Life of a European Eccentric

In the December of 1620, the marriage took place, and three days later, before the silver altar of Stockholm’s Storkyrka, Sweden’s new Queen was crowned. Though her title was ancient, her accoutrements were new, for the former Queen, Gustav Adolf’s mother, Christine, had refused to hand over her regal insignia. In some haste, a new crown had been beaten out of gold, a new sceptre and orb provided, studded with rubies and diamonds, the red and white of the Queen’s native Brandenburg. The King was dressed in the colours of his own land, in a blue robe embroidered with gold. Liveried pages and knights in pearled helmets paid homage, as the resentful Queen Mother looked on.

Late in the summer of the following year, Maria Eleonora gave birth to a stillborn daughter. The King was away, campaigning in Livonia,8 taking advantage of a Turkish attack on southeast Poland to harangue his old enemy from the north, when the news arrived that his wife had been ‘too soon and untimely’ delivered of the child. From his camp outside Riga, he sent a grieving letter to his brother-in-law, lamenting the ‘misery’ which had befallen the Queen and stricken his royal house. ‘May God be kind to her,’ he wrote, ‘and help her quickly back to health.’9

Health of a kind did return to the Queen, but not quickly, and it was more than two years before she was brought to bed again, of a second daughter, who was named Kristina Augusta. ‘The little girl is doing well,’ she wrote, and in the summer of 1624, after almost four years in Sweden, Maria Eleonora’s mother decided that she and her youngest daughter could safely return to Brandenburg. But this hopeful time was not to last. In the autumn, the child fell suddenly ill, and before she had reached her first birthday, she died, an unhappy reminder of Maria Eleonora’s own three youngest siblings, all of whom she had seen die within their first year of life.

Maria Eleonora passed a sad winter, bereft of her mother and sister, her little daughter dead, and her husband, to whom she had begun to cling with a desperate fondness, too often preoccupied and too often away. In February came a further blow, the death of her younger brother, at the age of just 21. As the spring approached, happier times seemed promised; the days lengthened and a mild sun shone down, and another baby quickened in her womb. But in April, news arrived from Berlin of the Electress Dowager’s death. The Queen was deeply affected, and for some weeks she lay sorrowing and ill, mourning her mother, wearied by her pregnancy. Towards the end of May, she rallied. The King was again in Stockholm, and in the fine spring weather an inspection of the Swedish fleet was to take place in the surrounding harbour. The royal couple would attend together, reviewing the ships from aboard their own small yacht. The fleet lay at anchor off the little island of Skeppsholmen, and as the King and Queen sailed past, a sudden squall blew up around them, rocking their yacht from side to side until it almost capsized. Though the mooring was soon reached, the Queen was carried back, frightened and ailing, to her rooms in the castle, and there she endured the bitter conclusion of the day. For within a few hours, her labour had begun, too early; the morning light would break upon her weeping women, and her little stillborn son.

The King recorded the tragedy with pious resignation. ‘Disaster has befallen me,’ he wrote. ‘My wife has brought a dead child into the world. It is because of our sins that it has pleased God to do this.’10

For his Vasa dynasty, at least, it was indeed a disaster. In this fifth year of his marriage, and despite the Queen’s three confinements, Gustav Adolf had as yet no living heir. Three years before, his younger brother had been killed in battle in Poland, and the King of that same country, Gustav Adolf’s cousin, Sigismund III, now stood to inherit the Swedish throne. Moreover, Sweden’s enemy heir had two adult sons of his own, through whom a Catholic dynasty might be foisted upon the unwilling Swedes, raising once again the spectre of civil war.

But the lack of an heir was not the only disaster to have befallen the King. His wife’s behaviour was becoming increasingly eccentric. During his many absences on campaign, she would be ill and depressed, then would bound out of her dismal moods with cravings for sweet foods and lavish spending on gifts for her favourites which the Treasury could not afford. She had always been passionately fond of her husband, but now her attachment became obsessive, and she pleaded repeatedly with Axel Oxenstierna to persuade him to return. ‘Please help me, if you can help me,’ she wrote to the exasperated Chancellor. One courtier, describing her as ‘unimaginably’ hysterical, attributed her behaviour, sympathetically, to simple loneliness. Maria Eleonora herself felt sure of the source of her malaise. ‘When I know that my most beloved lord is coming,’ she wrote, ‘then all my sickness and panic fall away.’11

The Queen’s extreme behaviour was not the only sign that she was now far from well. Her very odd use of language was becoming the subject of comment by many at court. Far from having mastered the language of her adopted country, since coming to live in Sweden she had become incapable of using even her native German correctly. Whether speaking or writing, she muddled syllables and made up strange concoctions of words which resembled but did not match those of any language she had learned. Although no one regarded the Queen as intelligent, and many spoke of her extravagant flights of hysteria, her unusual difficulty with language suggests a possible neurological problem. It may be that, during one of her confinements, she had suffered some kind of stroke; certainly there was no mention of any language problem before her marriage, and her own father had suffered several strokes which had left him increasingly debilitated. Whatever the reason for the Queen’s abnormal use of language, it no doubt added to her increasing sense of desperation – even her handwriting, once straight in lines of even spacing, now showed a pronounced downward slope, the graphologist’s tell-tale sign of depression.12

The Queen’s unhappiness can only have been increased by the knowledge that, only a few hours’ journey from Stockholm, her husband’s nine-year-old illegitimate son was living with his Dutch mother and stepfather, Margareta and Jakob Trello, at Benhammar, an estate in the King’s gift.13 The King was evidently proud of the boy; he had named him, after all, Gustav Gustavsson. His existence was no secret, and indeed, rumours abounded that the affair between the King and Margareta was still ongoing; Margareta herself had written to Gustav Adolf to reassure him that she was not the source of them. There does not seem to have been any truth in the rumours, but the boy’s bright and sturdy presence in itself must have been a constant reminder to the Queen of the son she herself still lacked.

The King, though courteous and considerate, had by now abandoned any hope of a genuine companionship with his wife. In public, he spoke of her affectionately, but in private he referred to her as his malum domesticum, a ‘domestic cross’ which he was obliged to bear. To his friends, it seemed, he regarded her as ‘more or less a child’, to be attended to and watched over, but from whom no mature, reciprocal feeling could ever be expected. Still in her twenties, Maria Eleonora had already begun to assume the sad mantle of old age, confused in her speech, prey to every illness, trying to those about her.

Further troubles now beset Gustav Adolf, for this was 1625, a plague year, and his own troops in the east had not been spared. In December came news of his mother’s death. It was late in the spring before he could return to bury her; through the long months of winter her body lay in state in Nyköping. But on his arrival, the King brought joyful news; the Queen was expecting another child. Pitying her pleading, and no doubt only too aware that an heir had yet to be produced, the King had agreed to her joining him after a Swedish victory had provided a pause in the fighting. As the year progressed, every precaution was taken to ensure Maria Eleonora’s safety, and in November, a few weeks before the expected birth of the new baby, Gustav Adolf’s illegitimate son was tactfully dispatched to the university at Uppsala, in the care of the King’s own boyhood tutor. It was not in any sense a dismissal; the young Gustav would retain his place in his father’s affections, but for now, it seems, he was best out of the way.

December in Stockholm, the cold, dark winter of the north, and a new moon glimmered on the frozen river. Around the castle, the plain wooden dwellings stood huddled and low, as if to shelter themselves from the bitter weather. Above, in a black sky, the stars were aligned just as they had been more than thirty years before at the birth of Gustav Adolf; now, once again, the Lion ascendant cast its faint reflection on the old stone tower’s three golden crowns. Within the castle, torches flamed and fires blazed, striving against the darkness and the damp. Courtiers paced and servants dozed, while the Queen consulted her astrologers, and the King dreamed of a son.

It had been an anxious time. Gustav Adolf and Maria Eleonora had been six years married, and they had as yet no living child. The birth of a boy was now predicted, but as the Queen drew near her confinement, the astrologers foresaw death as well. The child would die, or if he lived, he would cost the life of his mother, or even his father, who lay ill, feverish and troubled as the hour of the birth approached. If the boy lived, he would be great, they said, and the Queen took comfort, remembering the signs of her pregnancy, the omens in the stars, and her husband’s dreams.

It was the eighth of December,14 a Sunday, and as night fell, a night of bitter cold, the Queen began her labour. She was not strong, and the birth proved difficult, but as the clocks neared eleven, the baby emerged, alive, into the eager hands of the midwives. That the child was strong and likely to survive was clear – a lusty roar announced a determined entry into the world – but it was covered from head to knee in a birth caul, concealing the crucial evidence of its sex. The caul was removed at once, and the Queen’s attendants, delighted to meet the expectations of the court, declared the child a boy; its siblings were dead, and it was, after all, sole heir to a valiant warrior king. The mother and father were duly informed, and through the cold midnight air the castle rang ‘with mistaken shouts of joy’.

The nurse came confidently forward, the exhausted Queen lay back, but for the disconcerted midwives it would be no night of rest or sweet, familiar work. A closer look at the baby had revealed their error; it was in fact a girl. Through the dark night hours they waited, for no one dared tell the King. As the morning light dawned weakly over the castle, the baby’s aunt decided to take the matter in hand. She took the child up in her arms, went to her brother’s sickroom, and lay the child directly on the King’s bed, sans swaddling clothes or, as the baby herself was to describe the event, ‘in such a state that he could see for himself what she dared not tell him’.15

Legend has it that the King expressed no disappointment, indeed, not even surprise, at this extraordinary turn of events. He calmly took up the child and kissed it, then spoke to his sister in accents of tender stoicism. ‘Let us thank God,’ he said. ‘This girl will be worth as much to me as a boy. I pray God to keep her, since He has given her to me. I wish for nothing else. I am content.’ The Princess reminded him that he was still young, as was the Queen, that there would surely be other children, surely a son, but the King merely replied, ‘I am content. I pray God to keep her for me’, and he blessed the baby and kissed her again, as if to emphasize his contentment. ‘She will be clever,’ he added, smiling, ‘for she has deceived us all.’16

The legend has its source in the pen of Christina herself, though she claimed to have heard the story ‘a hundred times’ from her aunt and also from her mother, who, at the time of this exchange, lay perilously weak in her own room. It is not likely to be true, though the Princess may well have softened the tale for the lonely little girl whom she later took into her care. In fact, the birth of a daughter was a desperate disappointment for Gustav Adolf and his followers, and it threw into question the very survival of the shaky Vasa dynasty. The King’s calm acceptance, if calm it really was, is more likely to have been the result of his fever, the lassitude or lethargy of a draining illness, or even of quiet relief to have at least a living child. As for the Queen, it was some time before she was considered strong enough to withstand the sorry news. After four pregnancies and the deaths of three infants, and this latest, most difficult birth, she was ‘inconsolable’ to find that she had not borne a son after all. She rejected the child out of hand, and began her own descent into a profound mental disarray.

Whatever his private feelings, and despite his fever, the King soon rallied. A Te Deum was commanded in thanksgiving for the birth, and the baptism was quickly arranged. The child was christened Kristina Augusta,17 the same names that had been given to the elder sister who had died three years before. ‘Christine’ had been the King’s mother’s name, and his grandmother’s, too, and it was also the name of a Finnish noblewoman with whom he had once been in love – the memory of that young beauty may now have brought a smile to his lips as he announced the name he had chosen for his little daughter.18 The baby’s second name, Augusta, perhaps a loose rendering of ‘Gustav’, may have been the Queen’s choice. She is not likely at any rate to have liked the baby’s first name; there had been no love lost between herself and the King’s late mother.

Many years later, needing to emphasize her Catholic credentials, Christina was to claim that, during her baptismal ceremony, the pastor had inadvertently blessed her baby forehead with a sign of the cross, so enrolling her unwittingly in the ‘happy militia’ of Rome. But in fact, this kind of blessing had remained fairly common in Sweden through the early decades of Lutheranism. The pastor’s sign, far from a presaging, was a gesture made instinctive from the force of long habit. And Christina’s claim, as so much of her life was to be, was no more than a ruse to persuade her audience, and perhaps even more, to persuade herself.

Why had it been so difficult for Maria Eleonora’s attendants to determine the sex of her newborn child? The large caul would surely have been removed at once to establish the answer to this most important of dynastic questions. The baby’s loud voice, the ‘extraordinary, imperious roar’, may have been a sign of strength, but not more. It is more likely that the experienced midwives were for once confronted with something unfamiliar in the squalling little person of a baby of ambiguous sex. Though the child had been born before midnight, they waited until the morning to make their final, altered decision.

Was the little girl really a boy? Was she a hermaphrodite, or a pseudo-hermaphrodite? Diagnoses of this kind, at a distance of centuries, must always be conjectural. It is possible that Christina was born with some kind of genital malformation, and she may even have been what would now be called intersexual or transgendered. Our own statistically-minded age records that about one in every hundred babies is born with malformed genitals of varying degrees of ambiguity, making it often difficult, and sometimes impossible, to determine the baby’s sex. There are various disorders which can cause such malformations;19 in the case of a baby girl, the most common of them would produce a perfectly healthy infant with normal internal sex organs, but often with an enlarged clitoris and partially fused labia, easily confused at first glance with the small infant penis of a longed-for male child.20

Whatever the case, Christina’s sex, like her sexuality, was to remain ambiguous to others and ambivalent to herself throughout her tempestuous life. It would distort her relations with her mother and her father, poisoning the one and tainting the other. And in the first years of her life, it would precipitate a dynastic crisis from which she would emerge an acclaimed crown prince.

Death of a King

In his diary, looking back to the years of his childhood, John Evelyn records:

I do perfectly remember…the effects of that comet, 1618…whose sad commotions sprang from the Bohemians’ defection from the Emperor Matthias: upon which quarrel the Swedes broke in, giving umbrage to the rest of the princes, and the whole Christian world cause to deplore it, as never since enjoying perfect tranquillity.’

The English diarist’s ‘comet’ of 1618 was no less than the beginning of the Thirty Years War, set in slow motion by the infamous ‘defenestration of Prague’, when the city’s two unhappy Habsburg governors were thrown from a window of the Hradčany Castle.2 The governors, ignobly landing on a dungheap, survived unhurt, disappointing many of the Emperor’s supporters of two early martyrs to the cause. But in the following years, there had been no lack of martyrs on either side, indeed, on all sides, for the war was proving less a struggle for or against imperial power than a muddled conflict of shifting alliances, religious, territorial, political, and personal. No one, it seems, had wanted war; fear had motivated most. But defensively, pre-emptively, unwittingly, dozens and then scores of combatant armies were gradually dragged or preached or bribed into the lists of the perverse, ancient battle for peace.

For generations, the Holy Roman Emperors of the German Nation had been successively elected from the Catholic Austrian House of Habsburg.3 The Empire, a loosely linked archipelago of hundreds of principalities and estates, cities and bishoprics, both Catholic and Protestant, was by no means exclusively German; territories as far afield as Lombardy had allowed it to claim its ‘Roman’ title, and it had once encompassed even the Papal States. But since the beginning of the Reformation, a hundred years before, its tenuous cohesion had been threatened by growing Protestant objections to the rule of a Catholic Emperor.

Of the Empire’s seven Electors, three were Catholic bishops, three Protestant princes, and the seventh was the elected King of Bohemia, in recent decades always Catholic and always a member of the Habsburg family. But as the aged and childless Emperor Matthias began to fail in health, the restive Protestants of Bohemia saw their chance. On the Emperor’s death, a new King of Bohemia would be elected, a new voice for the choosing of the next Holy Roman Emperor. They determined that the voice would not be Catholic, nor would it be the voice of a Habsburg, and they set their sights on Friedrich, the Calvinist Elector of the Palatine.

On Matthias’ death in March 1619, his titles of Archduke of Austria and King of Bohemia were assumed by his Habsburg cousin, Ferdinand of Styria, in the full expectation that the title of Holy Roman Emperor would also soon be his. But the Protestant Bohemians countered by deposing Ferdinand, and elected Friedrich as their King in his place. Ferdinand’s response was ferocious. In the autumn of 1620, at the great Battle of the White Mountain at Bíláhora near Prague, the Bohemian army was destroyed. Ferdinand exacted a terrible revenge: the gates of Prague were closed, and for a week his troops were licensed to take whatever they could. The city was sacked, and the gates of the Hradčany Castle itself were more than once blocked with wagonloads of plunder. For the rebels themselves, there was no mercy; the native nobility was simply wiped out, most by execution, the rest by confiscation of their lands and subsequent exile – many found their way to Sweden. Bohemia was forcibly re-Catholicized, while Friedrich’s expected allies, the union of German Protestant princes,4 stood anxiously by, shaking their heads.

Friedrich appealed to Gustav Adolf to adopt his cause and take up arms against the Habsburg forces, but the Danes had already answered the call, and the Swedes could not be persuaded to fight alongside their old enemies and former overlords. The hapless ‘Winter King’ continued a disheartened and desultory search for help, while his own Palatinate lands were occupied by Spanish Habsburg troops, cousins to Ferdinand’s Austrians. Thenceforth the greater part of Europe was gradually sucked into the vortex. The Dutch, seizing their chance to strike at the distracted Spaniards, fanned the flames with their plentiful banknotes. Catholic France, no friend to Catholic Austria or to Catholic Spain, joined the fray on the Protestant side, while every German field and town paid its pound of flesh.

In the months before Christina’s birth, the Spanish Habsburgs had been making a last attempt to reassert their own imperial strength, forging closer links with their Austrian relatives and trying to construct a united bloc of powers friendly to both Habsburg dynasties. The jewel now loosening from the Spanish imperial crown was the Dutch United Provinces – broadly, the northern area of today’s Netherlands. Since the end of their truce with Spain in 1621, the Dutch had been fighting once again for independence; their wealthy towns, with their enterprising immigrant populations, progressive administration, and advanced banking systems, had become a trading and financial nexus for Europe and far beyond. Such a prize the Spanish empire, long declining, could not afford to lose. The Spaniards hoped that combined Habsburg forces might seize the ports along the coast of northern Germany; from there, a strengthened Austrian-Spanish navy could control the Baltic Sea, cutting off the Dutch from the rich trade that was financing their military resistance.

The Austrian Habsburgs responded as their Spanish cousins had hoped. In April 1627, the Emperor Ferdinand II conferred on his general, Count Wallenstein, the title of Generalissimo of the Baltic and Open Seas. The new Generalissimo was already in control of several territories in northern Germany, and by November he had installed himself in the Baltic port of Wismar, where he set to work to build up the imperial navy. In the same month, Gustav Adolf wrote anxiously to his Chancellor Axel Oxenstierna: ‘The popish league comes closer and closer to us. They have by force subjugated a great part of Denmark, whence we must apprehend that they may press on to our borders, if they be not powerfully resisted in good time.’5 The Chancellor agreed. Imperial forces had by now captured the whole of mainland Denmark, and the Danish King had been forced to retreat to his nearby islands. From Denmark an attack might easily be launched against Sweden itself, on its own territory. The situation, Oxenstierna remarked, ‘makes my hair stand on end’.

In January 1628, a secret committee of the Swedish Senate agreed to an invasion of the Emperor’s German lands if the King should deem it necessary. A pre-emptive attack, to draw the imperial forces away from their present too threatening position, had been Gustav Adolf’s own suggestion. In the face of the Habsburg threat, Poland was demoted to a secondary enemy, and Oxenstierna was accordingly dispatched to conclude a peace in the east, so that Swedish forces might be deployed elsewhere. After almost two years of negotiating, and twelve years of war, the Poles agreed to a truce.6 Since their king, Sigismund III, would not renounce his claim to the Swedish throne, a real peace remained elusive, but for Gustav Adolf a halt to the actual fighting was for now just as useful. It was an opportune moment for the Swedes to become involved at last in the great conflict which had been gathering pace in the Habsburg lands for more than a decade already. Protestant Germany had found no champion, and many exiled voices were calling for Swedish help. Now the armistice with Poland released thousands of battle-hardened men, ready for active service elsewhere.

Gustav Adolf’s decision met with loud applause from the Dutch; they had their Baltic trade to protect. But they were not the only power to welcome the idea of a Swedish march against the Empire. The French encouraged it, too, and promised to assist with subsidies; Catholic France was no friend to Catholic Austria, and Richelieu had hopes of using the Swedes as a pawn in his own ongoing game against the Emperor. But his terms were unacceptable to Gustav Adolf, and towards the end of 1629, preferring to find other allies, the King sent his own emissaries to the various courts and free cities of Europe; all returned empty-handed. The German Protestant princes, who had most to gain by a Swedish invasion, also declined to help, for by the same invasion, or so they feared, they also had most to lose.