The Moscow Bombings of September 1999

ibidem Press, Stuttgart

Foreword

Preface

I “Storm in Moscow:” A Plan of the Yeltsin “Family” to Destabilize Russia

II The Hunt for “False-Laipanov”: The September 1999 Moscow Bombings

III The “Ryazan Incident”

IV The Trials of the Buinaksk Bombers: Judicial Anarchy?

V The Volgodonsk Apartment House Bombing

Postscript to 2014 Edition

Foreword

John Dunlop’s path-breaking book about the bombings in Russia in September 1999 remains the best account we have of these horrific attacks. Many years have gone by without those in Russia or the West learning the full story. And that story may never emerge, at least as long as Russian President Vladimir Putin remains in power. But Dunlop’s impeccable research, touching on a vast number of sources, has contributed a great deal towards our understanding of these events. And the book makes fascinating reading for anyone interested in Russian politics and the reign of Vladimir Putin.

The bombings, as Dunlop makes clear, paved the way for Putin’s ascendancy to the presidency, and much of the evidence suggests that Putin and his former colleagues in the FSB were the orchestrators. There have been many terrorist attacks in Russia before and since then that have suggested FSB involvement. (Dunlop discusses two of these cases in an earlier book, The 2002 Dubrovka and 2004 Beslan Hostage Crises.) In many of these acts, suspects were identified and even charged with actually carrying out the crimes, but they were clearly only following orders, and the people who actually gave those orders and organized the attacks have never been identified. This was what happened after the September 1999 bombings.

In the September 1999 attacks, the FSB’s motivation was clear. The bombings were blamed by Russian authorities on Chechen rebels and offered an excuse for the Russian army to invade Chechnya, for the second time, just weeks later. Putin, Yeltsin’s new prime minister, and former chief of the FSB, gained tremendous popularity as a leader who vowed revenge on Chechens “in their outhouses.” He was assured a victory as Yeltsin’s anointed successor in the March 2000 presidential elections.

Boris Berezovskii’s role in these events remains a mystery. The former Russian oligarch, a leading supporter of Putin’s bid to become president, was later betrayed by Putin and forced to leave Russia. His suicide in March 2013 after writing desperate letters to Putin to be allowed to return to his country, add to the puzzles involving the September 1999 bombings. Berezovskii was closely allied with the ruling clique that surrounded Russian President Boris Yeltsin at the time, people who may or may not have been involved with these terrorist acts. Whatever Berezovskii knew, he died a broken and very guilty man—as Dunlop illustrates in the postscript to this new edition of his book—and he doubtless took many secrets with him to his grave.

Clearly Berezovskii’s greatest sin was to help Putin gain the Russian presidency. Putin’s victory in the March 2000 elections marked the beginning of the end for any hopes that Russia would develop into a democracy. Putin has gradually implemented a series of measures that have strengthened his personal power and that of the security officials (the so-called siloviki) who form his main base of support. He has clamped down on freedom of the press and free elections. He has kept former oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovskii in prison for over ten years and persecuted other potential political opponents like Aleksei Navalny by having Russian authorities prosecute them on bogus financial charges.

Putin’s popularity in Russia is clearly waning, largely because of Russia’s economic decline, but also because people are tired of the vast corruption that pervades his government. But whether or not the decline in support for Putin will actually force him to leave the political scene sometime soon is another question. According to the prominent human rights leader Sergei Kovalev, many Russians came to suspect Putin’s involvement in the 1999 bombings, but they remained indifferent and continued to vote for him.

Amy Knight

Author of Spies Without Cloaks: The KGB’s Successors

Preface

On the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks against the United States, a leading Russian essayist and journalist, Anton Orekh, shared with readers his opinion of a factually inaccurate film devoted to those attacks which had just been aired on Russian state television (the “Rossiya” or second channel). The film’s treatment of America’s 9/11 tragedy prompted Orekh to segue into personal reflections concerning the Moscow terror bombings of September 1999. “For us,” Orekh observed,

“September is also a black month. On the September calendar, the bombings of the World Trade Center stand between those of Guryanov Street [September 9th] and Kashirka [September 13th]. But I for some reason don’t recall that, in the years since [1999], the ‘Rossiya’ channel or any other domestic channel has shown such a bold, unsparing and entertaining film about the true reasons for those bombings. About all the strange occurrences and mysteries. About the surprising coincidence in time of the bombings with the war in the Caucasus that followed them and with the ascent of Vladimir Putin.”[1]

Orekh then continued:

“For me personally the bombings of the apartment houses are a key moment in our most recent history. Because if those bombings were not accidental in the sequence of the events which followed; if, to put it bluntly, they were the work of our [Russian] authorities—then everything will once and forever take its proper place. Then there is not and cannot be an iota of illusion about [the nature of] those who rule us. Then those people are not minor or large-scale swindlers and thieves. Then they are among the most terrible of criminals.”

And he concluded: “They did not show a film about our September. And they won’t show one. And they will neither confirm nor dispel our doubts. That page in our history has already been closed for a long time.”

On the same day that Orekh’s reflections were posted on a liberal Russian web-site, a well-known Candadian journalist, Fred Weir, the Moscow correspondent for the Christian Science Monitor, filed a report concerning a small gathering which had taken place on a Moscow street: “They are,” he wrote,

“Russia’s forgotten and abandoned victims of terror. A small forlorn-looking knot of people gathered on Moscow’s Kashirskoe Shosse [Kashirskii Highway] this morning as they do every year at this time, to mark and mourn the anniversary of devastating apartment bombings that are widely referred to as ‘Russia’s 9/11.’”[2]

“Though the 1999 bombings,” Weir continued his account, “led to vast upheaval and changed Russia fundamentally, not a single politician was on hand Tuesday to show solidarity with those who survived or lost loved ones in the 5 a.m. September 13 blast on Kashirskoe Shosse, which killed 119 people…No major Russian media covered their brief, tear-filled memorial service.” Weir then interviewed a Moscow businessman, Sergei Kalinchenko, who had lost a daughter in the bombing. “We feel abandoned and forgotten,” Kalinchenko confessed. “We still have no clear answers as to how it happened, and probably never will. It’s as if our sorrow doesn’t concern anyone at all.” Kalinchenko then confided to Weir that he had been astonished to see extensive Russian TV coverage of the tenth anniversary of 9/11 in the US during the previous weekend. “Of course,” he said,

“we feel compassion and grief for what they [the Americans] went through; we went through it ourselves. But it was surprising to see how people are respected in the US, and what a big public ceremony they had to commemorate the tragedy. They named every single victim!”

As is well-known, President George W. Bush on 27 November 2002 established The National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, also known as the 9/11 Commission, to investigate “facts and circumstances relating to the terrorist acts of September 11, 2001,” including the issues of preparedness for and the immediate response to the attacks. The bipartisan commission, which was created by Congressional legislation, consisted of five Democrats and five Republicans, and was chaired by former New Jersey governor Thomas Kean with former U.S. Democratic Representative from the 9th district of Indiana Lee Hamilton serving as deputy chair. In carrying out its appointed task, the commission, the co-chairs reported,

“reviewed more than 2.5 million pages of documents and interviewed more than 1,200 individuals in ten countries. This included nearly every senior official from the current [i.e., George W. Bush] and previous [Bill Clinton] administrations who had responsibility for topics covered in our mandate…We held 19 days of hearings and took public testimony from 160 witnesses.”[3]

The 567-page Commission report, which was published in the summer of 2004, provided detailed information concerning precisely who the terrorists were that had launched an attack on the United States on 11 September and how they had managed to carry out their malign intentions. Chapters Five and Seven of the book were entirely devoted to an examination of the biographies and activities of the terrorists. The role of Osama Bin Laden as the individual who authorized the “planes operation” and of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who served as the “principal architect” and manager of the operation, were described in detail. The report also attempted to provide explanations for the failure of U.S. departments and agencies to prevent the attacks.

When one compares this monumental effort to get at the complex truth behind what occurred on 9/11 with the Russian state’s virtually non-existent effort to explain four major terror attacks which took place in September 1999—two in Moscow, and one each in Buinaksk, Dagestan and in Volgodonsk, southern Russia—one is struck by a vast chasm in scope. As journalist Yuliya Kalinina has noted: “The Americans several months after 11 September 2001 already knew everything—who the terrorists were and where they come from… We in general know nothing…”[4]

More than twelve years after the September 1999 bombings, little reliable information has been made public concerning precisely who the terrorists were who blew up four apartment buildings killing 300 people. The authorities appear to have intentionally misidentified the lead Moscow bomber, the individual who played a role similar to that of Mohammed Atta, the commander of the hijackers in the 9/11 hijackings. The trials that were held of accused 9/99 bombers during 2001 and 2003-2004 remain mired in chaos or shrouded in deep secrecy. The 2001 trial of the Buinaksk bombers revealed an almost unimaginable level of judicial illiteracy as well as the thuggish brutality of the police and the procuracy. Dagestani law enforcement, to put it in a nutshell, often behaved like terrorists themselves. The trials of those individuals charged with participating in the Moscow and Volgodonsk bombings represented closed secret events with the press being barred from observing the proceedings. There is no reason to credit any of the information generated by these tainted and suspect trials which were held in camera.

For these reasons, it seems self-evident that the formation of a Russian 9/99 Commission, on the model of the 9/11 National Commission, which would be chaired by Russian citizens of integrity, on the model of Thomas Kean and Lee Hamilton, who would be charged with ferreting out the truth concerning what occurred during September of 1999, remains a pressing necessity. Unfortunately, this seems unlikely to occur any time in the foreseeable future. Vladimir Putin has now been reelected to a third term as Russian president (until 2018), and he has stated that he may seek a fourth term (until 2024). As long as Putin remains ensconced as Russian head of state, the formation of a Russian 9/99 commission will remain an unrealizable fantasy.

The aim behind the essays in this volume is to attempt to anticipate, in extremely modest and limited fashion, what such a Russian 9/99 commission might eventually be able to discover. I have tried to perform a very small amount of the onerous spade work that will need to be done by such a commission. My published research on major Russian terrorist events in 2002 and 2004 served as preparation for this effort.[5] I gratefully acknowledge the courageous pioneering work on the September 1999 bombings which a small number of remarkable Russians, such as former FSB lieutenant colonel (and political prisoner) Mikhail Trepashkin, have put in. The work of the informal Kovalev commission to investigate the September bombings, chaired by Duma deputy and Brezhnev-era political prisoner Sergei Kovalev, is also deserving of unqualified praise.

As one member of the Kovalev commission, Valerii Borshchev, observed in September 2011, the commission’s investigations into the terror bombings were repeatedly obstructed and eventually cut off by the authorities. “The government,” he stated, “should have assisted a full unmasking of this crime, but we received no assistance from anyone.”[6] The truth behind the September 1999 bombings, I am convinced, will eventually see the light of day, but that may take a decade or more to occur. The same holds true for the facts concerning the misunderstood and complex armed incursion of rebels into Dagestan during August of 1999, an event which is covered in Chapter One of this volume. The August incursion may have been intended to help prepare the ground for the September terror bombings.

In conclusion, I would like to thank Dr. Andreas Umland, general editor of the book series “Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society,” most warmly for his strong encouragement of this project. I am most grateful to him for his firm and unwavering support. I would also like to acknowledge the assistance that I have received from two excellent research assistants, Joyce Cerwin and Julia Shmeleva.

I “Storm in Moscow:” A Plan of the Yeltsin “Family” to Destabilize Russia

“Truth always wins. The lie sooner or later evaporates

and the truth remains.”[7]

(Boris Yeltsin, Midnight Diaries, 2000)

This paper was originally presented at an October 2004 seminar held at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), Johns Hopkins University, Washington DC. The seminar was hosted by Professor Bruce Parrott, at the time Director of Russian and Eurasian Studies at SAIS. The essay was subsequently revised to take into consideration comments made by the seminar’s two discussants, Professor Peter Reddaway of George Washington University and Donald N. Jensen, Director of Communications at Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty in Washington (and currently Senior Fellow, Center for Transatlantic Relations, Voice of America). In March of 2005, the paper was posted on the SAIS web-site (sais-jhu.edu).[8] By the current year, 2012, it had become clear that an updated and revised version of the paper was needed, one which would take into consideration significant new information which has come to light since 2005.

The goal of this essay is to focus on the short but extraordinarily charged period of time between 12 May 1999—when Evgenii Primakov was abruptly fired as Russian prime minister by Boris Yeltsin—and 9 August 1999 when Primakov’s successor, Sergei Stepashin, was likewise cashiered by the Russian president. Before we move on to an examination of this period, however, it behooves us briefly to consider several key developments that occurred earlier on in Yeltsin’s reign: the decision to invade Chechnya taken during the late fall of 1994; Yeltsin’s March 1996 decision, which he later reversed, to cancel or postpone Russian elections and to ban the Russian Communist Party; and, finally, several major developments occurring in March of 1999. In addition to briefly examining these three periods, this essay will also touch upon several theoretical issues that are germane to our topic.

Launching a “Short Victorious War”: During the period September-October 1994, a surge in the influence of hard-liners within the Russian leadership became apparent. The new prominence of “hawks” (“the party of war”) at the top of Russian state increased the likelihood of a conflict with secessionist Chechnya. The leading members of this militant group at the top were: General Aleksander Korzhakov, head of the Russian Presidential Security Service; Oleg Soskovets, Russian first deputy prime minister, and Nikolai Egorov, Russian minister for nationalities and regional affairs. Like all of Yeltsin’s advisors at the time, these “hawks” were fixated on the fact that “presidential elections were now only two years away and Boris Yeltsin’s popularity was below ten percent.”[9]

It was believed by Yeltsin’s hawkish advisors that a surefire way to boost his ratings so that he would be reelected in mid-1996 would be to provoke and win a “short victorious war,” such as the United States had recently accomplished in Haiti. On 30 November 1996, the late Sergei Yushenkov, then chairman of the parliamentary Defense Committee, telephoned Oleg Lobov, the secretary of Yelstin’s Russian Security Council.

“Lobov told him that there would be no state of emergency. But then he added that, yes, there would be a war. On the telephone [Yushenkov related] Lobov used the phrase that: ‘It is not only a question of the integrity of Russia. We need a small victorious war to raise the president’s ratings.’”[10]

As can be seen, neither Yeltsin nor his hawkish advisors in late 1994 had any apparent qualms about launching a war aimed in part at raising the president’s popularity ratings. Nor, it seemed clear, did they have any reservations about violating the Russian Constitution. The presidential decree authorizing the invasion of Chechnya (No. 2137c), issued on 30 November 1994, was a secret (i.e., unconstitutional) one. On 11 December, the day of the invasion, it was supplanted by another secret and thus also unconstitutional presidential decree (no. 2169c).[11] A “short victorious war” had begun.

A Decision Is Taken to Ban the 1996 Russian Presidential Elections: Unfortunately for Yeltsin and his advisors, the 1994 invasion of Chechnya did not produce the desired result; rather the conflict developed into a bloody quagmire that contributed significantly to a deterioration of the political situation in Russia. In March of 1996, it looked to the ailing Yeltsin and to his entourage as if the Russian presidency could be captured that summer by forces unsympathetic to them or their financial interests. Korazhakov and other hawks around Yeltsin pointed out that his popularity ratings were in the low single digits and consequently urged him to cancel the 1996 elections. Yeltsin initially agreed with their reasoning. “I had to take a radical step,” he confided in his memoirs, “I told my staff to prepare the documents. Decrees were written to ban the Communist Party, dissolve the Duma and postpone the Presidential elections. These formulas contained the verdict: I had not been able to manage the crisis within the framework of the current constitution.”[12]

In this instance, too, we see that Yeltsin was perfectly willing to violate the “Yeltsin Constitution” of 1993 in order to remain in power. Strong opposition to this unconstitutional action on the part of Interior Minister Anatolii Kulikov, backed by defense minister Pavel Grachev, and supported by a key Yeltsin advisor, Anatolii Chubais, ultimately convinced the Russian president to reverse his decision.[13] Once he had agreed to hold the elections, however, Yeltsin continued to consider the option of postponing them for two years. At a closed meeting held on 23 March 1996, a majority of his advisors urged such a course. “‘Boris Nikolaevich,’ they said, ‘you’re not canceling the elections; you’re just postponing them for two years, so you can’t be accused of violating democratic principles.’”[14] Eventually moderate advisors and leading oligarchs such as Boris Berezovskii convinced Yeltsin that he could indeed be reelected if the right “technologies” were applied. Korzhakov and Soskovets lost out in a power play and were then sacked.

In Trouble Again: By the spring of 1999, Yeltsin and his entourage found themselves once again in what they perceived to be a highly threatening situation. It seemed likely that the forces mobilized by Moscow mayor Yurii Luzhkov (soon to be joined by former prime minister Primakov) would be able to make major gains during the parliamentary elections of December 1999 and then prove able to take the Russian presidency in June of 2000. The specter emerged that Yeltsin might have to turn over power to an individual (Luzhkov or Primakov) who was not his chosen political heir. Such a scenario, as we shall see, was unacceptable both to Yeltsin and to his close advisors.

In their study Popular Choice and Managed Democracy, Timothy Colton and Michael McFaul have commented: “In March of 1996 Boris Yeltsin…was on the verge of canceling the vote…. There was no reprise [of this] in 1999 or 2000. Yeltsin and Putin abided by the letter of the Constitution and seem never to have contemplated doing otherwise.”[15] On this particular point, the authors, as we shall see, were wide of the mark. They seem, to put the problem in a nutshell, not to have closely scrutinized developments occurring during the period March-August 1999, focusing instead on the period extending from October 1999-March 2000.

Some Theoretical Considerations: Yeltsin’s Russia in 1999 was suffering from many of the same political deficiencies and ailments that had afflicted it in 1994, when a decision had been taken to invade Chechnya, and in 1996, when Yeltsin had initially decided to cancel or to postpone the presidential elections. To sum up the key points made by Michael McFaul in his book Russia’s Unfinished Revolution: Russia under Yeltsin represented an unconsolidated and sluggishly developing proto-democracy which lacked key institutions (for example, an independent judiciary) of a Western-style liberal democracy. By the spring of 1999, Russia found itself once again in a “balanced” situation, always dangerous in that country, in which the Yeltsin group, the Communist Party with its powerful parliamentary faction, and the ascendant Luzhkov-Primakov forces were all contesting fiercely for power. There had taken place no pacting among these battling groups. The Communists in the Duma were moving ahead with an effort to impeach the Russian president. “Ambiguous calculations about power,” McFaul concluded, “constitute a major cause of conflict [in Russia].”[16]

One other factor needs to be noted here: The fierce political struggle which had broken out was also an economic one. The Communists were seeking to reverse the process of capitalism in Russia, while the Luzhkov-Primakov group were interested in stripping certain oligarchs and bureaucrats in Yeltsin’s entourage—Roman Abramovich, Boris Berezovskii, Aleksandr Voloshin—of their wealth and, optimally, also in incarcerating them in prison. As McFaul and others have underscored, when an economic struggle becomes intertwined with a political one, then the chances of a successful transition to liberal democracy are greatly reduced.[17]

A Conspiracy to Destabilize Russia and to Cancel or Postpone the Elections: As Peter Reddaway has underscored, the modus operandi of Yeltsin and his entourage led more or less ineluctably to the growth of various conspiracies. “Part of this process,” Reddaway noted,

“was the growing non-accountability of the regime and the taking of most real decision-making out of the public sphere and into the privacy of the bath-houses and tennis courts used by Yeltsin, his confidant Aleksandr Korzhakov, and their cronies. The increasingly secretive method of government that this group developed involved the manipulation of parties, social groups, and public opinion, both through the media and through a wide range of deceptions and dirty tricks during election campaigns and in other contexts. Inevitably, therefore, conspiracies of various degrees of complexity became common, especially in Russia’s ‘court politics.’”[18]