Ukrainian Nationalists and the Holocaust

47 The OUN periodical press is discussed below, 101-02.

48 Cited in Patryliak, Viis’kova diial’nist OUN (B), 322.

49 Translation by Marco Carynnyk. Carynnyk, “Foes of Our Rebirth,” 345 (translation), 346 (photoreproduction of the original document).

50 USHMM RG-06.029.

51 Adamczyk, Ziemie Wschodnie.

52 Cited in Wieviorka, “The Witness in History,” 386.

53 Emphases in original.

54 Gross, Neighbors, 92.

55 Browning, Collected Memories, 43.

56 Bartov, “Wartime Lies,” 487; more generally on the importance of testimony as a source for the Holocaust, see 487-90 and 506-08.

57 See above, 49.

58 Spector, Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 1.

59 Himka, “Dostovirnist’ svidchennia.”

60 Prusin, “‘Fascist Criminals to the Gallows!’” 20.

61 Ibid., 20.

62 Golczewski, “Die Kollaboration in der Ukraine,” 156.

63 Kopstein and Wittenberg, Intimate Violence, 44. I have explored the problem of antipathy and ethnic stereotypes in survivor memory in Himka, Ukrainians, Jews and the Holocaust, and Himka, “How to Think about Difficult Things.”

64 Kraft, “Archival Memory,” 321.

65 Himka, Ukrainians, Jews and the Holocaust, 12-21.

66 This estimate is taken from Kopstein and Wittenberg, Intimate Violence, 145 n. 2.

67 See Aleksiun, “The Central Jewish Historical Commission.”

68 Relacje z czasów Zagłady.

69 Welzer, ”Opa war kein Nazi.”

70 Wieviorka, “The Witness in History,” 392.

71 For example, these two texts, in spite of the name change, are by the same person: Lejb Wieliczker, AŻIH 302/26; Wells, The Janowska Road. They provide substantially the same information. The same is true of Kurt Lewin’s memoir of 1946 and his testimony for the Shoah Foundation: Lewin, Przeżyłem; Shoah Foundation 25423 Kurt Lewin.

72 Browning, Collected Memories, 46-47.

73 Spector, Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 2.

74 Kraft, “Archival Memory,” 316 n. 3.

75 Lower, The Diary of Samuel Golfard. I was not able to consult A. Klonicki-Klonymus, The Diary of Adam's Father (Jerusalem, 1973).

76 Siemaszko and Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo. I would like to thank Michal Mlynarz for his invaluable help with this.

77 Andrzej, “Tadeusz Zaderecki.” This article provides links to some of Zaderecki’s publications of the 1930s.

78 Zaderecki, “Gdy swastyka Lwowem władała.”

79 Tadeusz Zaderecki, Lwów under the Swastika: The Destruction of the Jewish Community through the Eyes of a Polish Writer (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2018). I have been unable to consult this volume myself.

80 Spector, Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 2-3.

81 Himka, “Ukrainian Memories of the Holocaust,” 427.

82 The memoir section is called “Spomyny.”

83 See my analysis of a documentary put out by the Centre on Ukraine during World War II: Himka, “Victim Cinema.”

84 UCRDC, “Spomyny,” no. 33 (Ivan P”iatka). In 2014 the Lviv historian Andrii Bolianovsky brought to my attention that there is another memoir of a Ukrainian policeman in the UCRDC: B., “Ukrains’ka politsiia. Spomyn. Burlington, Ontario, 1988.” When I made a request to see it in 2018, I was informed that access was “still restricted.” Emails Andrii Bolianovsky to John-Paul Himka, 1 October 2014, UCRDC Office to John-Paul Himka, 28 May 2018. Subsequently Bolianovsky sent me photos of pages from the memoir, which he had clearly had access to.

85 Himka and Himka, “Absence and Presence,” 19-20.

86 Yahad-in Unum Testimony no. 737.

87 Ibid. no. 802.

88 Ibid. no. 827.

89 E.g., Shoah Foundation 36160 Dmitrii Omelianiuk; see also the film based on Ukrainian interviews for the Shoah Foundation: Spell Your Name (Nazvy svoie im”ia) (2006) directed by Sergei Bukovsky and presented by Steven Spielberg and Viktor Pinchuk.

90 Strutyns’ka, Daleke zblyz’ka, 145-246.

91 Strutyns’ka, Buria nad L’vovom.

92 Nakonechnyi, “Shoa” u L’vovi.

93 For a more extended analysis, see Himka, “Debates in Ukraine,” 353-56.

94 Shepelev, “Fotografii,” 431 n. 12.

95 See his beautiful and moving remembrance of her: Preston, “A Bird in the Wind.”

96 It is in the Steven Spielberg Film and Video Archive, acc. no. 2013.himka, RG-60.1414, film ID 2983. I also have a copy in my possession.

97 Shepelev, “Fotografii,” 435, 441.

98 Hirsch, “Surviving Images,” 37 n. 32.

99 AŻIH, 301/442, Róża Wagner, 3-4.

100 See above, 36-37.

101 On the successes and repression of the Melnykites in Kyiv, see Kurylo, “Syla ta slabkist’.” On the antisemitism of the Melnykite milieus in light of contemporary Ukrainian historico-political controversies, see Radchenko, “‘I todi braty.’“ Myroslav Shkandrij wrote that after the repressions in Ukrains’ke Slovo, its replacement, Nove ukrains’ke slovo, was “anti-Ukrainian and antisemitic.” Shkandrij, Ukrainian Nationalism, 176. This is true, but it implies that the Melnykite paper was not antisemitic beforehand, which was, as Radchenko shows, not the case.

102 Himka, “Krakivski visti and the Jews.” Himka, “Ethnicity and the Reporting of Mass Murder.”

103 Kogon was a Christian who opposed the Nazis and paid for this with six years in Buchenwald. After the war he wrote the first major analysis of the concentration camp system, Der SS Staat (1946), published in English as The Theory and Practice of Hell.

104 Ianiv, “Za dobre im”ia ukrains’koho narodu.”

105 The last major review of the metropolitan’s thoughts and actions during the Holocaust was my own: Himka, “Metropolitan Andrei Sheptytsky and the Holocaust.”

106 “Ukraintsi i zhydy.”

107 See, for example, Radchenko, “‘Niemcy znaleźli.’“

108 See below, 208-10.

109 Translation taken from Berkhoff and Carynnyk, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists,” 170-71; Ukrainian text: 153, 162. Underlining in the original.

110 Author’s translation. German text: Berkhoff and Carynnyk, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists,” 167. Underlining in the original.

111 See above, 42-44.

112 Hunczak, “Problems of Historiography,” 136-38.

113 Hunczak, “A Reappraisal.” See also the response: Szajkowski, “‘A Reappraisal.’“

114 Hunczak, “Ukrainian-Jewish Relations.” The Deschênes Commission was active in 1985-86 investigating alleged war criminals among the Ukrainian and Baltic communities in Canada. Conflicts arose between these communities and some Jewish organizations over the use of Soviet evidence.

115 Grimsted, “‘Trophy’ Archives,” 6.

116 This is easily checkable in the searchable files of Dilo at libraria.ua.

117 There is a document from 1938 in which Stetsko added in his own hand the words “Pryntsypy ukrains’koi propahandy.” Reproduced in Carynnyk, “‘A Knife in the Back,’“ 7 (point 8a). This document has extensive additions in Stetsko’s handwriting, and they can be compared to the handwritten additions in the small photoreproduction of a passage from the autobiography in Berkhoff and Carynnyk, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists,” 153. To me the handwriting and method of making insertions look the same, but I am not a specialist in analyzing handwriting and I have seen too little of the original of the Ukrainian autobiography. Stetsko’s widow, Slava Stetsko, shown a copy of the autobiography by Zhanna Kovba, denied that it was her late husband’s writing. Kovba, Liudianist’ u bezodni pekla, 225.

118 On a more abstruse point, Hunczak was exercised about the typewriter, which at first he thought had no g (some Ukrainian keyboards lack them), but then he found examples of g in the autobiography. Thus, he argued, there was no reason for a Western Ukrainian not to be using a g where expected in the ortho-graphy and in the transcription of foreign words and place names. But I myself have used different Ukrainian keyboards, and more than once it has taken me a long time to discover whether the keyboard had a g as well as an h, since the placement of g on the keyboard was not and still has not been standardized. Stetsko was using an unfamiliar typewriter in Berlin and may not have found the g until near the end of his typescript, where the g’s in fact appear.

119 Herasymenko, Orhanizatsiia Ukrains’kykh Natsionalistiv, 28.

120 Berkhoff and Carynnyk, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists,” 153-56.

121 The pro-OUN historian Volodymyr Kosyk also accepted the autobiography as genuine. See Berkhoff, “A Power Terrible for Its Opponents,” 199 n. 10.

122 Only three pages of The Book of Facts (Knyha faktiv) were made public at that time. But the whole 60-page text is available on line http://avr.org.ua/index.php/viewDoc/3188/ (accessed 10 December 2018).

123 “U Sluzhbi bezpeky Ukrainy vidbulys’ Hromads’ki istorychni slukhannia.” “Iak tvorylasia lehenda pro Nachtigall” (source of quotation). “Dokumenty SBU.”

124 See below, 169-70.

125 Rybakov, “Marko Tsarynnyk.” Himka, “Be Wary.”

126 Riabenko, “‘Knyha faktiv,’“ 103-08. Riabenko’s study is well researched and at the same time a one-sided polemic.

127 Himka, “The Lontsky Street Prison Memorial Museum,” 146-52.

128 Krentsbakh, “Zhyvu shche zavdiaky UPA.”

129 This was also indicated in her published memoir: Ibid., 349.

130 Friedman, “Ukrainian-Jewish Relations,” 203-04 n. 57.

131 Kordiuk, “Pro liudei.” Kordiuk was one of the Banderites who was arrested and survived Auschwitz.

132 Kovba, Liudianist’ u bezodni pekla, 113-14. She mistakenly wrote that the memoirs had been first published in Israel.

133 V”iatrovych, Stavlennia OUN do ievreiv, 79.

134 http://mosesfishbein.blogspot.com/2009/10/memoirs-of-stella-krenzbach-i-am-alive.html (accessed 11 December 2018). The English translation was by Marta D. Olynyk. Apparently, Fishbein also had no luck in finding an original publication in the Washington Post.

135 Among those who fell for the Krenzbach fabrication was the well-known Sovietologist Paul Goble. Rudling, The OUN, the UPA and the Holocaust, 31-32.

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