History, Culture and Traditions of the Kazakh People

In one of Srym’s reports to Empress Catherine II in 1790, it was stated that the Ataman of the Ural Fort, Darykov, with a large detachment, «suddenly attacked your innocent subjects, the Kyrgyz-Kazakhs, destroyed 225 yurts, seized all their property, killed 140 people, took 57 prisoners, and carried off countless horses, camels, cattle, and sheep». Such raids were frequently carried out by Russian officers for the purpose of enrichment. These events prompted Catherine II to issue a special decree in 1784 prohibiting «arbitrary acts against the Kyrgyz» by the Cossack troops and declaring «the harshest punishment for the gravest crime – any behavior that causes disturbances to the peace of her subjects». The Empress demanded that Russian governors and officials treat the Kazakh people gently and ordered them not to spare funds on gifts to khans and sultans. She advised the Orenburg military governor: «This wild and reckless people may be won over not so much by strictness, but through kindness and lenient treatment».

Alongside the measures taken to safeguard the peace of the Kazakhs, the Russian administration endeavored, first, to win over the sultans as agents of its authority in the steppe; and second, to weaken the power of the khans and render them dependent on Russian governance.

At the same time, the struggle intensified between the tribal elders and Khan Nuraly, who demonstrated his inability to suppress the popular uprising. The rebels demanded the removal of the unpopular steppe ruler from power. Having thoroughly discredited himself in the eyes of both the Kazakhs and the Tsarist authorities, Nuraly was expelled from the Junior Zhuz in 1786. Under the protection of the Tsarist government, he took refuge for a time in the Kalmyk fortress. Later exiled to Ufa, Khan Nuraly died there.

During the years of the people’s war, the actions of the khan’s and tsar’s punitive detachments, as well as natural disasters – the dzhuts (1795—1796 and 1800—1801) – caused the impoverishment of the Kazakh population. Count Ya. Yu. Pototsky, having become acquainted with the life of the Kazakhs, wrote: «Their yurts or kibitkas, which should have consisted of good and thick felt, are covered only with woolen rags and scraps. The Kyrgyz themselves are covered in rags» (Zimanov, 1982).

During this period, the situation of the Kazakhs of the Junior Zhuz was further aggravated, as previously explained, by internal feuds. These conflicts resulted in the spread of baranta, the consequences of which were on a scale comparable to other calamities. Baranta spread especially actively following the liberation movements led by Srym Batyr. Regarding this, A.I. Levshin writes: «There is nothing more terrible than the revenge of the Kyrgyz-Kaisaks and its consequences… This evil consists of the continuous driving away of each other’s cattle and the internecine fights arising from it». The researcher further adds: «Of all three Cossack hordes, it was the Junior that suffered the most from baranta» (Mukataev, 2001).

Previously, baranta was carried out by the decision of a senior elder or biy – that is, when the guilty party refused to satisfy the claimant’s demand. However, now any offended, robbed, or dissatisfied person acted on their own initiative: gathering people, coming to the enemy’s aul, attacking his dwelling, and driving away his herds. In response, the offended party would gather defenders and act in the same way. It often happened that baranta was «collected» not from the property of the offender himself, but from the population of the aul where he lived, without distinguishing between the innocent and the guilty. This led to a vicious cycle of repeated events; an increasing number of participants were drawn into the irreconcilable conflict. Herds and flocks were decimated, and the number of livestock in the steppes began to decline sharply, since animals were not spared during the raids. During rapid drives, many animals died or fell ill, often infecting healthy ones. Furthermore, livestock obtained through baranta was quickly disposed of, leading to thoughtless slaughter. «The flame of revenge is fanned, and whole thousands of people groan from the evil arbitrarily introduced and willingly sustained,» commented A.I. Levshin on the scale of baranta (Mukataev, 2001).

Baranta in the Junior Zhuz sharply intensified in the early 19th century, reaching such a critical point that in 1813, 1814, and 1815, many mothers and fathers deprived of sustenance came to the Russian borders and sold their children, finding no other means to save them. According to A.I. Levshin’s estimates, in 1815 alone, around 200 Kazakh children were sold within one month in the Guryev region. Boys were sold for 3 to 4 rubles each, while girls were exchanged for 2 to 3 kulas of rye flour. As the Kazakh population increasingly fell into dire poverty by the beginning of the 19th century, they were forced to sell their children into captivity not only to the Russians but also to the Khivans.

The deplorable condition of the Kazakhs living near the Russian borders prompted Emperor Alexander I to issue a decree for their resettlement within the Russian Empire. Under this decree, they were granted plots of land and a ten-year grace period exempting them from various taxes and military service. Additionally, the Emperor appealed to free Russian subjects to purchase Kazakh children, but with the condition that these children would be granted freedom upon reaching the age of 25 (Mukataev, 2001).

Historical sources note that at the time when unrest and internecine conflicts were unfolding in the Junior Zhuz, the commander of the Astrakhan Cossack regiment, Popov, acting with the consent of the Astrakhan military governor K.F. Knorring, began proposing to Khan Bukey that he and his followers permanently relocate to the vacant lands between the Ural and Volga rivers, left deserted by the Volga Kalmyks. Khan Bukey (son of Khan Nuraly and grandson of Abulkhair, the first Kazakh khan to recognize Russian suzerainty) (Pochekaev, 2014) agreed, and, having secured the support of the popular leader Srym Batyr, persuaded the masses to migrate. He sent a letter to the Astrakhan governor expressing his desire to relocate. This letter was forwarded for consideration to Emperor Paul I. On March 11, 1801, Tsar Paul I issued a decree “…permitting them to migrate wherever they wish…,» and as a sign of his favor, awarded Khan Bukey a Gold Medal bearing his portrait, to be worn on a black ribbon around the neck (Mamaev, N.R., Muldasheva, R.A., & Gridnev, A.A., 2001). On the night of March 12, Paul I was assassinated by conspirators.

In the literature of historical science, various versions exist explaining the motives behind Khan Bukey’s migration, as well as the factors contributing to the formation of the Bukeyev Khanate (Inner Horde). The establishment of the Inner Horde was driven by political tensions observed within the Junior Zhuz, as well as the difficult conditions faced by the population of this region – ravaged by the baranta, khan inter-tribal conflicts, popular uprisings, and emerging disputes over pasture shortages. In his migration, Khan Bukey saw an opportunity to achieve stability and to protect himself from raids by Central Asian rulers, with the direct support of the Russian authorities. Moreover, it is possible that Khan Bukey, having migrated with his subjects, sought to attain khan dignity, since within the Junior Zhuz he was only a member of the Khan’s council. Proponents of the third viewpoint tend to believe that the formation of the Inner Horde from the Junior Zhuz was solely a product of the policies pursued by the Russian Empire.

For example, Major General I.I. Popov, commenting on Khan Bukey’s official request for land allocation in the Astrakhan Governorate, assessed the prospects of the migration of part of the Kazakhs from the Junior Zhuz as follows: «The expected benefit from them is that when they remain with such a large number of livestock as they had before, this livestock will be within Russia and will no longer be used by the Khivans and Bukharans as was done before; moreover, this people, once Russified, will remain on exactly the same basis as the other Asian peoples in the Astrakhan Governorate – the nomadic Kalmyks and Turkmen Tatars» (Mukataev, 2001).

Regardless of the motives behind it, this migration – of great historical significance both for Kazakhstan and Russia – took place. Initially, around five thousand families crossed to the right bank of the Ural; subsequently, the population of this territory began to increase due to an influx of people from beyond the Ural. By 1803, there were already about 7,500 yurts in this area. By 1845, according to various sources, the Bukeyev Khanate included between 30,000 and 52,000 yurts. The early settlers and many of those who arrived later mostly possessed very little livestock; instead of yurts, they lived in tents (kurke), representing families that were poor or extremely impoverished. However, only a few of them were truly loyal to the Russian authorities and supporters of khan’s power. The migrants largely consisted of direct participants in Srym-Batyr’s uprising. The settlement movement was led by the Baibakty clan, which had been the core of the popular uprising in the Junior Zhuz. Many researchers believe that the influence of Srym-Batyr played a decisive role in the migration of part of the Junior Zhuz population to the right bank of the Ural. Hoping to obtain pastures and improve their economic situation, Kazakhs were forced to leave their native steppes and relatives behind – many of whom did not wish to migrate. The Bukeyev Khanate was formed from the following clans:

– generation of Baiuly, including 11 clans: Bersh (Berche), Baibakty, Alycha, Sherkesh, Issen-Temir, Kyzyl -Kurt, Tomin, Jaban, Aday, Maskara and Tazlar;

– a small portion of the Kita clan from the Alimuly generation;

– three small clans: Tabyna, Tama, Kerderi, as well as the generation of Jetiru (Jetiurug or Semirodtsy);

– Tyulenguts, among whom there were representatives of North Caucasian and Kalmyk origin (Tyulenguts served as courtiers and officials of khans and sultans) (Viktorin, 2004);

– several dozen yurts of the Khoja clan, which, according to tradition, descends from revered Muslim saints;

– several families of Nogais who had previously allied themselves with Khan Abulkhair (Mukataev, 2001).

Initially, the Bukey Steppe was administratively subordinate to the Orenburg Border Commission. By decree of Emperor Alexander I in 1812, Sultan Bukey was elevated to the rank of khan. However, in practice, the role of the khan was reduced to performing the functions of an official acting under the orders of the border administration (Karabushchenko, 2011).

The borders of the Bukeyev Khanate were as follows: to the north – the Samara Governorate; to the east – the Ural Region; to the south – the Caspian Sea; and to the west – the Yenotaevsky District of the Astrakhan Governorate (Safullin, 2012). Along the northern and northeastern boundaries of the khanate flowed two rivers – the Bolshoy and Maly Uzen (modern Saratov Region), whose banks were abundant with haymaking pastures and served as winter refuges for livestock against snowstorms and cold weather. It became permissible for Kazakhs to move to wintering grounds near the sea and other reed-covered areas, which provided natural shelter for their livestock during harsh winter frosts. In the central part of the khanate stretched a vast sandy massif known as Narynkum (Naryn Sands). This terrain was either entirely sandy, supporting sparse, low-grade pasture that withered in drought, or was filled with extensive salt- and clay-rich soils. This area was hardly suitable for any form of agriculture; only the low and sparse wormwood grew there, which livestock could only consume in winter, when the bitterness was alleviated by the cold and the dried plants.

The proximity of the Russian settlements in the Astrakhan, Saratov, and Orenburg provinces facilitated close contacts between the Kazakhs and their inhabitants. This contributed to the rapid development of the Bukeyev Khanate. Positive changes in the economy, worldview, culture, and customs of the Kazakh population in this region were partly influenced by Russia.

The most active development of a sedentary lifestyle among the Kazakhs occurred during the reign of Khan Jangir (Zhangir), the son of Bukey, who ascended to the throne in 1824. After Bukey’s death in 1815, the interim ruler of the khanate until Jangir reached majority was Bukey’s brother, Sultan Shigay (Sygay) Nuraliev (Mukataev, 2001).

Jangir’s period of rule was relatively lengthy and marked by constructive reforms in several aspects of the Bukeyev khanate’s society. He was the first to move from a yurt into a house, which was built for him by the government. The house was constructed at the northeastern tip of the Nary Sands, in the Zhaskus (Dzhuskus) area. Thus, Jangir laid the foundation for a sedentary life among the Kazakhs. Gradually, his relatives and close associates began building their own homes nearby. Since the khan distributed land for free to those wishing to settle there, many merchants and traders eagerly took advantage of this opportunity. In less than twenty years, a beautiful village was formed here, which served as the khan’s residence, called the Khan’s Headquarters or simply Headquarters. The settlement was located on what is now the territory of the Urda district center in western Kazakhstan. The construction of Headquarters was largely driven by the needs of cultural and trade exchange with Russia (Golunov, 2005). Its well-planned layout allowed for the differentiation of streets and districts within the village.

The economic activities of the Bukeyev Khanate greatly benefited from the trade policies of the Russian imperial government. Kazakhs from the deep steppes supplied large herds of cattle, horses, camels, sheep, hides, and wool. These goods were exchanged for industrial products and foodstuffs. The Khan’s Compound was one of the key trading centers, where crowded, multilingual fairs took place. Large herds of fat-tailed sheep (Fat-tailed sheep are a meat-fat type sheep of semi-coarse-wool and coarse-wool breeds. They have a fat tail on their sacrum – fatty deposits, the reserves of which provide the animal with endurance. This breed of sheep is widespread in the southern regions of Russia, Kazakhstan, Iran, North Africa and Afghanistan) purchased from the Kazakhs were driven to Astrakhan, Samara, and Kamyshin. The mutton fat was well-suited for the production of soap, candles, and leather processing. Russian peasants preferred to buy Kazakh horses for agricultural work. The development of trade in the Bukeyev Khanate gradually began attracting merchants from various regions of Russia. For example, in 1845, traders and manufacturers from the provinces of Saratov, Voronezh, Penza, Tambov, Moscow, Astrakhan, Nizhny Novgorod, Ryazan, Simbirsk, Kazan, Vyatka, Yaroslavl, and Chernigov were registered at the fair in the Khan’s Compound.

It is known that livestock and livestock products from the Kazakhs were completely sold out at the fair in the Khan’s Settlement, while foreign industrial goods were sold at a rate of 60—70%, and bread at 100%. However, by the 1840s, barter trade (exchange of goods), which had not been equivalent in market terms for the nomads, began to give way to commodity-money transactions in the khanate. Gradually, the Bukey Kazakhs learned to accumulate money, as it was more advantageous to pay taxes in cash than with livestock. Additionally, the Kazakhs often traveled to neighboring Russian provinces for goods, where it was more convenient to pay with money than with livestock that had been herded with difficulty.

The time spent at the fair was an exciting event for the Kazakhs. Taverns opened at the fair, and musicians and singers came to perform, while lively horse races were organized. Wooden harmonicas made near Tula were particularly popular among the Kazakhs; the Bukeyevtsy loved to play them. The Kazakhs often performed the song «Van’ka fell in love with Tan’ka» on these harmonicas (Gaisin, 1984). Alcoholic beverages were secretly brought to the fair, although, according to the law, the import of such products into the khanate was strictly prohibited.

Gradually, the Khan’s Compound began transforming into a merchant settlement: the majority of its inhabitants were traders and merchants. Over time, the Kazakhs themselves began developing commerce – speculators and traders (alyp-satar, saudager) – who later became merchants of the second and first guilds. Most often, they acted as intermediaries, purchasing goods secondhand from Astrakhan, Saratov, and Uralsk, and then reselling them among nomadic yurts. Some Kazakhs bought livestock locally and drove it to fairs in other provinces. For example, camels driven to Orenburg yielded one and a half times more profit than selling them locally. The Bukeyev Khanate did not bear any direct obligation to the Russian authorities; this was compensated by the transformation of the khan’s domain into a raw material base and a market for Russian goods (Zimanov, 1982). Many small middlemen, over a short period, turned into large merchants with substantial capital. The famous and relatively wealthy Kazakh merchant Karaul-Khodzha Babadzhanov, who was close to the Khan’s household, signed an agreement in 1817 with Princess Bagration to establish a «joint capital for trade in bread and livestock». Under this arrangement, the princess received an income of 15,607 rubles in 1818 from her 11,697-ruble contribution. However, among Kazakhs, such large-scale entrepreneurs were quite rare.

The development of trade in the steppe also led to a reverse process – an increase in indebtedness, as people borrowed goods with deferred payments or commissions. The penetration of commercial capital into the territory of the Inner Horde was accompanied by the growth of usury. When fairs were not held, it was difficult for the population to obtain money, so loans were extended at high interest rates. These financial operations primarily harmed honest and trusting residents. Often, livestock were seized in an unbalanced manner to settle debts, and some borrowers were forced to work as laborers for their creditors.

In addition to livestock farming, the Kazakhs engaged in salt production. They extracted and transported salt from Lake Baskunchak and supplied it by cart to Saratov. The work took place from June 1 to October 1, and payment was made based on the quantity of salt produced. Workers were hired at the lake through contractors who were also Kazakhs. At the beginning of the season, the Kazakhs would migrate to the lake with their families and livestock.

Alongside the emergence of settled and semi-settled communities, the practices of seasonal migration and hired labor began to spread among the inhabitants of towns and villages, as well as to fishing, factory, and mine operations in neighboring Russian provinces. Seasonal workers operated along the Volga River and its tributaries, as well as along the coast of the Caspian Sea. Several seasonal camps and groups, known as uchugs (Uchugs are solid river partitions constructed to hold and catch fish moving upstream. These barriers were made from a series of stakes driven across the current of the river, with intermediate links formed from wooden poles driven into the riverbed) and vatagas (Vatags are fishing sites along the Volga and the Caspian Sea, locations of stationary netting operations, as well as fishing cooperatives organized for this purpose) were located along the Caspian coast from the Volga to the Ural: Ivanchug, Uvary, Chagan, Kamyzyak, Bogatinskaya, Porokhovinskaya, Kokarevskaya, Kosoleinskaya, Kamchatskaya (Novinskaya), Vakhrameeva, Baksaevskaya. According to data from the Astrakhan Fisheries Directorate, Kazakhs leased coastline plots for vatagas and purchased tickets for sea fishing.

The people of the horde frequently traveled on their camels to cut hay or to plow fields in the Krasnoyarsk and Tsarevsky districts. Kazakhs also adopted the transport-based craft: in winter, they journeyed from the Kalmyk, Torgun, and Naryn regions in carts driven by camels to Astrakhan, fishing along the way and transporting the fish to Tsaritsyn. Wheat was delivered to the village of Balakovo, and from there, supplies were sent to the villages of the Novokuznetsk district – timber was carried there, and cargoes from Kazanka were transported to Novouzensk, Saratov, or Guryev.

Craftsmanship among the Kazakhs developed slowly; the constant demand for livestock products did not create a necessity for them to actively engage in other types of activities. Meanwhile, domestic crafts and trades began to occupy a certain place in the economic life of the Kazakh population

The production of various wooden and metal products and household items was considered an important source of livelihood in sedentary conditions. The number of craftsmen in the Bukeyev Khanate increased in the 19th century, and some enterprising Kazakhs engaged in the purchase and resale of handicrafts. The most common craftsmen in the khanate were brickmakers, carpenters, blacksmiths, silversmiths, weavers, shoemakers, and saddlers. The latter sold a large quantity of harnesses and belts, which were eagerly purchased by the Russian population (Astrakhan-musei, n.d.).

A new phenomenon in the economic sphere of the Bukeyev Khanate was the construction of dams and artesian wells for land irrigation, for which Russian specialists were invited. The first experiments in dam construction were carried out on the Torgun River (modern Volgograd region) in the 1830s, when the Khan’s Summer Residence, called Torgun-Kala, was founded. It was located to the northwest of the Khan’s Residence, 110 versts from Kamyshin and 180 from Saratov. There stood the khan’s two-story house with twelve rooms, which had a garden with a moat, planted with cherry trees, and a bathhouse. Near the garden there were melon patches for sowing cucumbers, and it was also planned to grow watermelons and melons there. To create artesian wells, which Jangir intended to use during summer droughts, the Ministry of State Property ordered the necessary equipment from Paris at his request, and a specialist – Neshel, a candidate from the University of Dorpat – was invited to organize the work.

Gradually, the Kazakhs began to engage in agriculture, although their methods of production and tools were very primitive. Some sultans hired Russian peasants to carry out agricultural work. There was a prevailing belief that the Russian government disapproved of the Kazakhs practicing agriculture, as it could disrupt trade relations and eliminate the opportunity to sell grain in the Steppe.

The lack of opportunity to migrate year-round due to sparse vegetation, along with the unresolved issue of limited pasture space, forced the Kazakhs to adopt skills for a semi-sedentary lifestyle. They began to build permanent dwellings, prepare supplies for their livestock for the winter, and engage in haymaking. However, the Kazakhs’ views on housing construction changed dramatically. Previously, a sedentary lifestyle was considered a sign of poverty in Kazakh society (zhatak, literally meaning «lying down,» referring to semi-sedentary individuals) for those who did not own livestock, which eliminated the need to migrate. Now, building a house was seen as a symbol of prosperity. The houses were made of clay or logs, and earthen dwellings were constructed. By the 1860s, two-thirds of the Bukey population had permanent homes with outbuildings (Zhdanko, 1961). Timber and other building materials were transported to the khanate from the banks of the Volga River, as well as from the Novozenk, Nikolayev, Kamyshin, Chernoyarsk, Tsaritsyn, and Astrakhan districts, which were part of the Saratov and Astrakhan provinces (Zimanov, 1982).

Kazakh dugouts were scattered across the steppe, either alone or grouped together, but in both cases the settlement was called an aul. Often, an aul consisted of two, three, four, or even eight dwellings. The sparse vegetation of the land prevented a dense settlement pattern. These dugouts were built from unburned clay bricks, made using local clay. Salt, sand, and grass were mixed into the clay; the addition of grass caused the bricks to have a «fuzzy» appearance. The floor of the dugout was usually covered with clay, which was pressed and smoothed. The roof was constructed from reeds or rushes mixed with clay, or from wooden planks. Externally, the dugout appeared as if molded from clay rather than built from bricks. The interior walls were also plastered with clay, creating a fully earthen enclosure. Occasionally, homes with a partition (made from wood, reeds, or felt) dividing the dwelling into two parts – male and female – were found. P. Medvedsky, describing the economic life of the Kazakhs of the Bukeyev Khanate, wrote: «However, such a partition is not an essential feature, because Kyrgyz (Kazakh) women do not lead secluded lives and do not hide from men. On the contrary, they always take the most active part in men’s conversations; they also receive and entertain passing strangers or guests. Women’s seclusion is unthinkable in a nomadic society». (Mukataev, 2001).