The Letters of Cicero, Volume 1

294

ἅπαξ θανεῖν, perhaps "Better to die once for all than give in to every unjust demand." The editors quote Æschylus, Pr. V. 769:

But I don't feel sure that this is the passage alluded to.

295

Reading queruntur for quæ sunt.

296

Gaius Cato, tribune b.c. 56.

297

L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who as prætor threatened Cæsar with impeachment, and as consul (b.c. 54) tried to get him recalled. He was, in 50-49, appointed Cæsar's successor in Gaul, defended Marseilles against him, and eventually fell in the battle of Pharsalia. P. Nigidius Figulus supported Cicero during the Catiline conspiracy. Gaius Memmius, ædile b.c. 60 (see p. 51). Lucretius dedicated his poem to him. L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, consul b.c. 49, accused Clodius in b.c. 61, murdered in Africa after Pompey, b.c. 48.

298

There is no direct means of dating these letters, as we have no other information as to the proconsulship of Culleolus. Illyricum was not always a separate government, but was sometimes under the governor of Macedonia, sometimes under the governor of Gaul. The indications of date are (1) Pompey is at home and often seen by Cicero, therefore it is not between the spring of b.c. 67 and the end of 62; (2) it is not later than March, b.c. 58, because from that time for ten years Cæsar was governor of Illyricum, and before he ceased to be so Pompey had left Italy, never to return. Even if Culleolus was not governor of Illyricum, but of Macedonia, the same argument holds good, for C. Antonius was in Macedonia b.c. 63-60, and Octavius from b.c. 60 to March, b.c. 59. That is, Culleolus could not have been in Macedonia while Pompey was in Italy till after March, b.c. 59.

(1) Cicero says that he has been thirteen days at Brundisium. In the next letter he tells Atticus he arrived on the 17th. That, in the Roman way of counting, brings it to prid. (29th).

(2) Either the date at the end of the letter is wrong, or prid. must be used here

(3) There is no such date properly as a. d. II. Kal. The day before prid. is a. d. III.

In regard to dates we must remember that Cicero is using the præ-Julian calendar, in which all months, except February, March, May, July, and October, had twenty-nine days. These last four had thirty-one and February twenty-eight.

299

L. Lucceius, whom we have heard of before as a candidate for the consulship with Cæsar, and whom we shall hear of again as the author of a history of the social and civil wars (Sulla and Marius), and as being asked to write on Cicero's consulship. He was a close friend of Pompey, and took his side in b.c. 49 (Cæs. B. C. iii. 18). The people of Bullis owed Lucceius money, and Cicero asks for "mandatory letters" from Culleolus to get it.

300

Mod. Monte Leone, on the road to Rhegium, from which at this time Cicero meant to cross to Sicily, and thence to Malta.

301

Nares Lucanæ (Monte Nero), near the River Silarus, and on the via Popilia (south-western branch of the Appia). Cicero has therefore come north again from Vibo, having given up the idea of Rhegium and Sicily, and making for Beneventum, and so by the via Appia for Brundisium.

302

A friend of Cicero's, of whose death at Brundisium we afterwards hear (Fam. xiv. 4, § 6).

303

The bill originally named 500 miles as the distance from Italy. Before passing it had to be put up in public three weeks (trinundinæ), and meanwhile might be amended, and was amended to 400.

304

P. Autronius Pætus, one of Catiline's confederates, who would injure Cicero if he could. Cicero would not be able to reach Epirus without coming within his reach; for he had been condemned for ambitus, and was in exile there or in Achaia. Illas partes=Epirus.

305

To Malta. The proprætor of Sicily, C. Vergilius, opposed his going to Malta, which was in the province of Sicily, though it had a primus of its own (Planc. 40; Plut. Cic. 32).

306

Because of entertaining the condemned man, a special proviso in this law (Dio, xxxviii. 17).

307

In Epirus, believing that Atticus will understand that his going to Brundisium means that he will go to Epirus: and as Atticus lives there, he naturally asks him to come to meet him. Epirus was, for certain purposes at least, in the province of Macedonia, and it depended on the governor, L. Appuleius Saturninus, what reception he would meet. His friend Plancius was quæstor.

308

One of Clodius's concessions to the consuls, to keep them quiet, was to get Macedonia assigned by a lex to L. Calpurnius Piso. As Atticus lived in what was practically part of the province, and had much business there, it was important to him to be on the spot, and try to influence the choice of a governor. That being over, he would not have so much to detain him in Rome.

309

We suppose that Cicero has heard from Atticus that he is not going to be at Tarentum or Brundisium, for he writes before arriving at either.

310

Reading prid. Kal. instead of a. d. II. Kal., which Tyrrell calls audacius in Schutz. But absolute nonsense is not to be kept even for a MS.

311

Cicero does not mean that young Marcus is to come to him at once, but that, when Tullia's marriage portion is settled, Terentia is to bring him with her if she comes. Really he didn't mean any of them to come, at any rate for a long while. Piso is Tullia's husband.

312

If Cicero's property was confiscated, it might be held that the slaves went with it, and would be sold with it, and that his manumission of them was an evasion, which could not hold good at law. If his property was not confiscated, they were to remain in their status as slaves. See Letter CXCII.

313

He means that had it not been for enemies in Greece and Epirus, he should not only have gone as far south as Epirus, but farther—to Athens. There is a good deal to be said for Schutz's reading, Achaiam for Athenas, but as the MS. reading can be explained, it is safer to keep it.

314

The Clodian party at Rome. "That town" is Athens.

315

"I have lost my chance of dying with honour; henceforth death may end my grief, but cannot heal my damaged reputation." Reliqua tempora, i.e., other opportunities of suicide.

316

A mountain range in Illyria, over which the via Egnatia passes (mod. Elbassán).

317

Reading ab Ilio with Madvig for ab illo.

318

Tigranes, a son of the king of Armenia, was brought to Rome by Pompey to adorn his triumph, and put under the care of Lucius Flavius. This prince was, for a bribe, released by Clodius by a trick, and the attempt to get him away led to a scuffle in which lives were lost. Pompey regarded this as a slight upon himself, and his partisan, the consul Gabinius, attempted to prevent it. But both were hustled in the forum and treated with insults. The hope of a breach in the triumvirate arose from the supposition that Clodius had the support of Cæsar in his high-handed proceeding (Dio, xxxviii. 30; Plut. Pomp. 48; Ascon. 47).

319

P. Plautius Hypsæus, who had been Pompey's quæstor and on intimate terms with him. He had been, it seems, interesting himself on Cicero's behalf.

320

The gazette of public transactions and measures passed in the senate, which was sent round to the provinces. We shall hear of it again.

321

The next letter shews that he means Hortensius. The blunder which he complains of having committed, by the advice of Hortensius, is that of having left Rome, rather than stay and brave the impeachment.

322

Because, though a provincial governor retained his lictors till he reached Rome, he was bound to go straight home or dismiss them.

323

I.e., suicide.

324

See pp. 92, 107.

325

Quintus was a candidate in b.c. 66 for the ædileship of the following year. The lex Aurelia, which divided the juries between the senators, equites, and tribuni ærarii, was passed in Pompey's first consulship, b.c. 70. As this was the compromise in the matter of the iudicia favoured by Pompey, Hortensius, and the like, an attack on it would be likely to give offence.

326

I.e., to the house of Atticus at Buthrotum.

327

Clodius was not re-elected, and Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos, who had as tribune (b.c. 63-62) been hostile to Cicero, now as consul supported Pompey in befriending Cicero.

328

The speech in the senate in Curionem et Clodium, i.e., against the elder C. Curio, who had been Clodius's advocate in b.c. 61 on the charge de incesto. Fragments only of it are preserved. They are sufficiently violent. Cicero suggests repudiating the authorship, because the speech had never been delivered, and therefore was not necessarily intended for publication. There is no special reason for abusing Cicero's character on this account. If some enemy had got hold of the MS. and published it without his consent, it was not really the expression of his deliberate sentiments.

329

Reading nunc tamen intellego for si donatam ut intellego, which is meaningless. There may be latent in si donatam some proper name, as Dodonam or Macedoniam, but it is not possible to extract it now. Istic, as usual, means "where you are," i.e., at Rome.

330

The via Egnatia, the road across Macedonia, which was one of the great channels of communication between Rome and the East, and which terminated at Thessalonica.

331

The probable split among the triumvirs, alluded to in Letter LXIII.

332

Reading defuit for fuit.

333

Or, as Prof. Tyrrell suggests, "does not quote Curio to that effect." I think, however, that Cicero does not use laudo in this sense except in connexion with auctorem, auctores, and even then generally with a subsense, at least, of commendation. The speech was composed to be delivered against the elder Curio and Clodius (see p. 155), but was never delivered. Its personal tone made it dangerous now.

334

Cicero means that Atticus acted with the emotion spontaneously arising from his affection, but not with the caution which he would have shewn in doing a thing which he was under some obligation to do.

335

The ancient "colleges" or "clubs" had been gradually increasing, and a decree of the senate in b.c. 64 had declared certain of them unlawful. But Clodius had overridden this decree by a lex early in b.c. 58, and many new ones were formed, which he used for his political purposes (pro Sest. § 55; Dio, xxxviii. 13).

336

That he could do nothing against the wishes of Cæsar (Att. x. 4, § 3; cp. in Pis. § 77). According to Plutarch, Pompey avoided a personal interview (Cic. 31).

337

The kindness has been all on the side of Atticus, who will therefore be attached to the object of it—for the benefactor loves more than the benefited.

338

A privilegium was a law referring to a particular person, which was forbidden by the twelve tables, and if it was shewn to be unconstitutional a decree of the senate could declare it void. But Cicero seems to think that such a proceeding of the senate would give a possibility of raising the question afresh.

339

The first bill named no one, but enacted that "anyone who had put a citizen to death uncondemned should be forbidden fire and water." The second, "that M. Tullius be forbidden fire and water." Cicero says that the former did not touch him, I suppose, because it could not be retrospective. This is in accordance with the view of Cæsar, who approved of the law, but said that old sores ought not to be ripped up—οὐ μὴν καὶ προσήκειν ἐπὶ παρεληλυθόσι τοιοῦτόν τινα νόμον συγγράφεσθει (Dio, xxxviii. 17).

340

Because it shewed that he considered himself as coming under the new law.

341

Letter LXVIII, p. 154.

342

L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who was a prætor this year.

343

Though Cicero uses tantum … quantum here, he does not mean that Atticus failed to love him enough—that would have been too unreasonable. In a certain way he means that he loved him too much. He allowed his spontaneous feelings full vent, without acting with the cool wisdom which he would have shewn in fulfilling a duty or moral obligation. It is more fully expressed above. Still, it was a difficult thing to say, and he doesn't succeed in making it very clear.

344

Reading lætæ for lectæ.

345

L. Livineius Regulus, whom Cicero (F. xiii. 60) calls a very intimate friend, and says that his freedman Trypho stood his friend in the hour of need. He seems to have been condemned (in b.c. 56?) for something, but he afterwards served under Iulius Cæsar (B. Afr. § 9). The freedman's full name was L. Livineius Trypho.

346

About Appius acting as prosecutor of Quintus. He was a nephew of P. Clodius. See Letter CCXXII.

347

Appius Claudius Pulcher, brother of P. Clodius, was prætor-designate for b.c. 57, and had allotted to him the quæstio de rebus repetundis (pro Sest. § 78). He was consul b.c. 54.

348

Cicero gives Atticus his full name, rather playfully, as it was a new acquisition. His uncle, Q. Cæcilius, dying this year, left him heir to a large fortune, and adopted him in his will (Nep. Att. 5). He therefore, according to custom, took his uncle's prænomen and nomen, Q. Cæcilius, retaining his own nomen in an adjectival form (Pomponianus) as a cognomen, just as C. Octavius became, by his uncle's will, C. Iulius Cæsar Octavianus. His additional name of Atticus remained as before, and in ordinary life was his usual designation. See p. 15.

349

Sestius, tribune-elect for b.c. 57, would come into office 10th December, b.c. 58. He means to bring a bill before the people for Cicero's recall, and a draft of it has been sent to Cicero, who criticises it as not entering sufficiently into details, though he had before said that a general restitutio in integrum covered everything; but perhaps this bill only repealed the Clodian law as a privilegium, without mentioning anything else.

350

Terentia, whose half-sister was a Vestal, seems to have taken sanctuary with the Vestals, as did the mother and sister of Augustus in b.c. 43. The special indignity of which Cicero complains is that she had been forced to leave the sanctuary and appear at the bank of Valerius, but for what purpose we cannot now tell. It is suggested that it was to make some solemn declaration as to her husband's property, some of which she may be supposed to have tried to conceal. The term ducta esses is that applied to prisoners led through the streets, but we may regard it as used ad invidiam.

351

In securing her husband's advocacy.

352

Mention is made of Terentia's separate estate in Letters XXX and LXXXI.

353

Cn. Plancius, quæstor in Macedonia, whose kindness Cicero lauds highly when defending him in b.c. 54.

354

The forces of the new governor, L. Calpurnius Piso, who was to have Macedonia after his consulship, and would be sending his troops on before him.

355

P. Cornelius Lentulus, consul-designate for b.c. 57.

356

Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos, consul-designate for b.c. 57. See pp. 22-23.

357

The party of the triumvirs.

358

See Letter LXI, p. 142.

359

A centurion or other officer in the army of Piso crossing to Macedonia. But the name is otherwise unknown, and some have thought that it is an intentional disguise for the name of Piso himself.

360

Cicero's son-in-law.

361

The greater part of this letter was evidently written at Thessalonica. Cicero appears to have put the date and place of departure to it after arriving at Dyrrachium, and then added a postscript to explain why he had come there.

362

As a libera civitas Dyrrachium had the ius exilii, and would not be filled with Roman officials. The crowded state of the town—by which Cicero means crowded with Romans—would arise from its being the usual place of disembarkation from Rome across the north of the Greek peninsula to the East. There was doubtless always a large traffic between it and Brundisium, but at this time of year, when sailing would be, if possible, avoided, he might hope to find it somewhat less crowded.

363

This bill for Cicero's recall would, of course, be vetoed by Clodius, and could not therefore be passed, but it would probably influence the action of the new tribunes for b.c. 57.

364

I.e., the tribunes of b.c. 58.

365

I.e., securing indemnity to the proposers if there is a technical breach of existing laws, something like the common clause—"all statutes to the contrary notwithstanding."

366

The Clodian law.

367

Because they would not be protected as the previous tribunes were by the fact of the Clodian law (which alone was contravened) having emanated from their own collegium.

368

L. Quadratus Ninnius, tribune-elect. On the 1st of June next he brought forward the question of Cicero's restoration in the senate.

369

Cicero's cousin, C. Visellius Varro, a learned jurisconsult (Brut. § 264; 1 Verr. § 71).

370

The tribunes came into office on the 10th of December, nearly three weeks before the consuls, prætors, etc., who entered office on the 1st of January.

371

Either the libera legatio or the acting legatio in Gaul, both of which Cæsar offered him.

372

The phrase ornare provincias, ornare consules, etc., means the vote in the senate deciding the number of troops, amount of money, and other outfit that the magistrates going to their provinces were to have. The provinces to be taken by outgoing consuls were decided before the elections—in this case they were Cilicia and Spain. But the ornatio usually took place after the consuls had entered on their office, i.e., after the 1st of January. For this year, however—we don't know why—it had taken place before the 1st of December, b.c. 58. The result of this would be that the new tribunes for b.c. 57—entering on their office 10th December, b.c. 58—would have no voice in the matter, and would thus lose a great hold on the consuls. Most of these tribunes were supporters of Cicero, while he was doubtful as to one of the consuls—Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos. He thinks, therefore, that his cause has lost by this measure, for the tribunes will have less power of putting force on the consuls to do anything for him, and yet the same power of stopping them should they wish to do anything of their own accord. Besides, the new tribunes may be alienated by what they may think a measure derogatory to their position. These fears came to nothing; the tribunes were loyal to Cicero, and the consul Piso forwarded his recall.

373

Because the tribunes could have vetoed any measure brought before the people, and so could have forced the consuls to come to terms.

374

I.e., that the senate would pass no decree prior to one recalling Cicero.

375

There is no indication in the letter as to where Atticus is. He left Rome late in b.c. 58, and apparently did not return till after Cicero's recall. The most natural explanation is that he was in Epirus, or somewhere in Greece, and that he had visited Cicero at Dyrrachium on his way. I do not quite see how this should be thought impossible in view of the last sentence of LXXXV or the next letter. Cicero asks Atticus to join him, but he might do so whether Atticus were at Buthrotum, or Rome, or anywhere else.

376

There is no indication in the letter as to where Atticus is. He left Rome late in b.c. 58, and apparently did not return till after Cicero's recall. The most natural explanation is that he was in Epirus, or somewhere in Greece, and that he had visited Cicero at Dyrrachium on his way. I do not quite see how this should be thought impossible in view of the last sentence of LXXXV or the next letter. Cicero asks Atticus to join him, but he might do so whether Atticus were at Buthrotum, or Rome, or anywhere else.

377

On 1st January, b.c. 57, P. Lentulus brought the case of Cicero before the senate. The prevailing opinion was that his interdictio having been illegal, the senate could quash it. But Pompey, for the sake of security, recommended a lex. One of the tribunes, without actually vetoing the senatus consultum, demanded a night for consideration. The question was again debated in succeeding meetings of the senate, but on the 25th was not decided. Technically an auctoritas was a decree that had been vetoed by a tribune, and Cicero (pro Sest. § 74) implies that such a veto had been put in, and at any rate the noctis postulatio was equivalent to a veto.

378

Perhaps he has just heard that the sitting of the senate on the 25th of January had been interrupted by Clodius's roughs. But other similar events happened, and there is no certain means of dating this note. The difficulty, as it stands, is that it implies Atticus's temporary return to Rome.

379

This intentionally enigmatical sentence is meant to contain a menace against Clodius, who is hinted at in the word omnium, just as he is earlier in the letter in the word tuorum. Clodius was a connexion by marriage of Metellus (through his late brother, the husband of Clodia), and Cicero assumes that Metellus is restrained from helping him by regard for Clodius. He knows, however, by this time, that one of the new tribunes, Milo, is prepared to repel force by force, and he hints to Metellus that if he countenances Clodius's violence he may some day find that there is no Clodius to save—if that's his object. In Letter LXXXIX he shews how early he had contemplated Clodius being killed by Milo (occisum iri ab ipso Milone video).