On the Philosophy of Discovery, Chapters Historical and Critical

This, it may be said, is so evident that it cannot have been overlooked by a very acute reasoner, such as you describe your Critic to be. What, it may be asked, is the answer which he gives to so palpable an objection as this? How does he understand his assertion that we learn the truth of geometrical axioms from experience (p. 208), so as to make it tenable on his own principles? What account does he give of the origin of such axioms which makes them in any sense to be derived from experience?

In justice to the Reviewer's fairness (which is unimpeachable throughout his argumentation) it must be stated that he does give an account in which he professes to show how this is done. And the main step of his explanation consists in introducing the conception of direction, and unity of direction. He says (p. 208), "The unity of direction, or that we cannot march from a given point by more than one path direct to the same object, is a matter of practical experience, long before it can by possibility become matter of abstract thought." We might ask here, as in the former case, how this can be a matter of experience, except we have some independent test of directness? and we might demand to know what this test is. Or do we not rather, here as in the other case, suppose the directness of the path; and is not the singleness of the direct path a consequence, not of its observed form, but of its hypothetical directness; and thus by no means a result of experience? But we may put our remark upon this deduction of the geometrical axiom in another form. We generalize, it is said, the observations which we have made ever since we were born. But this term "generalize" is far too vague to pass for an explanation, without being itself explained. We are impelled to believe that to be true in general which we see to be true in particular. But how do we see any truth? How do we pick out any proposition with respect to a diagram which we see before us? We see in particular, and state in general, some truth respecting straight lines, or parallel lines, or concerning direction. But where do we find the conception of straightness, or parallelism, or direction? These conceptions are not upon the surface of things. The child does not, from his birth, see straightness and parallelism so as to know that he sees them. How then does his experience bear upon a proposition in which these conceptions are involved? It is said that it is a matter of experience long before it is a matter of abstract thought. But how can there be any experience by which we learn these properties of a straight line, till our thoughts are at least so abstract as to conceive what straightness is? If it be said that this conception grows with our experience, and is gradually unfolded with our unfolding materials of knowledge, so as to give import and significance to them: I need make no objection to such a statement, except this—that this power of unfolding out of the mind conceptions which give meaning to our experience, is something in addition to the mere employment of our senses upon the external world. It is what I have called the ideal part of our knowledge. It implies, not only an impulse to generalize from experience, but also an impulse to form conceptions by which generalization is possible. It requires, not only that nothing should oppose the tendency, but that the direction in which the tendency is to operate should be determined by the laws of the mind's activity; by an internal, not by an external agency.

One main ground on which the Reviewer is disposed to quarrel with and reject several of the expressions used in the Philosophy;—such as that space is an idea, a form of our perception, and the like,—is this; that such expressions appear to deprive the external world of its reality; to make it, or at least most of its properties, a creation of the observing mind. He quotes the following argument which is urged in the Philosophy, in order to prove that space is not a notion obtained from experience: "Experience gives us information concerning things without us, but our apprehending them as without us takes for granted their existence in space. Experience acquaints us with the form, position, magnitude, &c. of particular objects, but that they have form, position, magnitude, pre-supposes that they are in space." From this statement he altogether dissents. No, says he, "the reason why we apprehend things as without us is that they are without us. We take for granted that they exist in space, because they do so exist, and because such their existence is a matter of direct perception, which can neither be explained in words nor contravened in imagination: because, in short, space is a reality, and not a mere matter of convention or imagination."

Now, if by calling space an idea, we suggest any doubt of its reality and of the reality of the external world, we certainly run the risk of misleading our readers; for the external world is real if anything be real: the bodies which exist in space are things, if things are anywhere to be found. That bodies do exist in space, and that that is the reason why we apprehend them as existing in space, I readily grant. But I conceive that the term Idea ought not to suggest any such doubt of the reality of the knowledge in which it is involved. Ideas are always, in our knowledge, conjoined with facts. Our real knowledge is knowledge, because it involves ideas, real, because it involves facts. We apprehend things as existing in space because they do so exist: and our idea of space enables us so to observe them, and so to conceive them.

But we want, further, a reason why, apprehending them as they are, we also apprehend, that in certain relations they could not be otherwise (that two straight linear objects could not inclose a space, for instance). This circumstance is no way accounted for by saying that we apprehend them as they are; and is, I presume to say, inexplicable, except by supposing that it arises from some property of the observing mind:—an Idea, as I have termed it,—an irresistible Impulse to generalize, as the Reviewer expresses it. Or, as I have suggested, we may adopt a third phrase, a Law of the mind's activity: and in order that no question may remain, whether we ascribe reality to the objects and relations which we observe, we may describe it as "a Law of the mind's activity in apprehending what is." And thus the real existence of the object, and the ideal element which our apprehension of it introduces, would both be clearly asserted.

I am ready to use expressions which recognize the reality of space and other external things more emphatically than those expressions which I have employed in the Philosophy, if expressions can be found which, while they do this, enable us to explain the possibility of knowledge, and to analyze the structure of truth. It is, indeed, extremely difficult to find, in speaking of this subject, expressions which are satisfactory. The reality of the objects which we perceive is a profound, apparently an insoluble problem352. We cannot but suppose that existence is something different from our knowledge of existence:—that which exists, does not exist merely in our knowing that it does:—truth is truth whether we know it or not. Yet how can we conceive truth, otherwise than as something known? How can we conceive things as existing, without conceiving them as objects of perception? Ideas and Things are constantly opposed, yet necessarily co-existent. How they are thus opposite and yet identical, is the ultimate problem of all philosophy. The successive phases of philosophy have consisted in separating and again uniting these two opposite elements; in dwelling sometimes upon the one and sometimes upon the other, as the principal or original or only element; and then in discovering that such an account of the state of the case was insufficient. Knowledge requires ideas. Reality requires things. Ideas and things co-exist. Truth is, and is known. But the complete explanation of these points appears to be beyond our reach. At least it is not necessary for the purposes of our philosophy. The separation of ideas and sensations in order to discover the conditions of knowledge is our main task. How ideas and sensations are united so as to form things, does not so immediately concern us.

I have stated that we may, without giving up any material portion of the Philosophy of Science to which I have been led, express the conclusions in other phraseology; and that instead of saying that all our knowledge involves certain Fundamental Ideas, the sources from which all universal truth is derived, we may say that there are certain Laws of Mental Activity according to which alone all the real relations of things are apprehended. If this alteration in the phraseology will make the doctrines more generally intelligible or acceptable, there is no reason why it should not be adopted. But I may remark, that a main purpose of the Philosophy was not merely to prove that there are such Fundamental Ideas or Laws of mental activity, but to enumerate those of them which are involved in the existing sciences; and to state the fundamental truths to which the fundamental ideas lead. This was the task which was attempted; and if this have been executed with any tolerable success, it may perhaps be received as a contribution to the philosophy of science, of which the value is not small, in whatever terms it be expressed. And this enumeration of fundamental ideas, and of truths derived from them, must have something to correspond to it, in any other mode of expressing that view of the nature of knowledge which we are led to adopt. If instead of Fundamental Ideas, we speak of Impulses of generalization, or of Laws of mental activity, we must still distinguish such Impulses, or such Laws, according to the distinctions of ideas to which the survey of science led us. We shall thus have a series of groups of Laws, or of classes of generalizing Impulses, corresponding to the series of Fundamental Ideas already given. If we employ the language of the Reviewer, we shall have one generalizing Impulse which suggests relations of Space; another which directs us to properties of Numbers; another which deals with Time; another with Cause: another which groups objects according to Likeness; another which suggests a purpose as a necessary relation among them; to which may be added, even while we confine ourselves to the physical sciences, several others, as may be seen in the Philosophy. Now when the fundamental conditions and elements of truth are thus arranged into groups, it is not a matter of so much consequence to decide whether each group shall be said to be bound together by an idea or by an impulse of generalization; as it is to see that, if this happen in virtue of ideas, here are so many distinct ideas which enter into the structure of science, and give universality to its matter; and again, if this happen in virtue of an irresistible impulse of generalization in each case, we have so many different kinds of impulses of generalization. The main purpose in the Philosophy was to analyze scientific truth into its conditions and elements; and I did not content myself with saying that those elements are Sensations and Ideas; the Ideas being that element which makes universal knowledge conceivable and possible. I went further: I enumerated the Ideas which thus enter into science. I showed that in the sciences which I passed in review, the most acute and profound inquirers had taken for granted that certain truths in each science are of universal and necessary validity, and I endeavoured to select the idea in which this universality and necessity resided, and to separate it from all other ideas involved in other sciences. If therefore it be thought better to say that those principles in each science upon which, as upon the axioms in geometry, the universality and necessity of scientific truth depends, are arrived at, not by ideas, but by an irresistible impulse of generalization, those who employ such phraseology, if they make a classification of such impulses corresponding to my classification of ideas, will still adopt the greater part of my philosophy, altering only the phraseology. Or if, as I suggested, instead of "Fundamental Ideas," we use the phrase "Laws of Mental Activity," then our primary intellectual Code—the Constitution of our minds, as it may be termed—will consist of a Body of Laws of which the Titles correspond with the Fundamental Ideas of the Philosophy.

My object was, from the writings of the most sagacious and profound philosophers who have laboured on each science, to extract such a code, such a constitution. If I have in any degree succeeded in this, the result must have a reality and a value independently of all forms of expression. Still I do not think that any language can ever serve for such legislation, in which the two elements of truth are not distinguished. Even if we adopt the phraseology which I have just employed, we shall have to recollect that Law and Fact must be kept distinct, and that the Constitution has its Principles as well as its History.

But I will not longer detain you by seeking other modes of expressing the Fundamental Antithesis to which the accompanying Memoir refers. The Remarks which I here send you were written three years ago, on the appearance of the Review which I have quoted. If I succeed in obtaining for them a few minutes' attention from you and a few other friends, I shall be glad that they have been preserved.

I am, my dear Herschel,always truly yours,W. WHEWELL.

P.S. I have abstained from sending you a large portion of my Remarks as originally written. I had gone on to show that, in my Philosophy, I had not only enumerated and analyzed a great number of different Fundamental Ideas which belong to the different existing sciences, but that I had also shown in what manner these ideas enter into their respective sciences; namely, by the statement or use of Axioms, which involve the ideas, and which form the basis of each science when systematically exhibited. A number of these Axioms belonging to most of the physical sciences, are stated in the Philosophy. I might have added also that I have attempted to classify the historical steps by which such Axioms are brought into view and applied. But it is not necessary to dwell upon these points, in order to illustrate the difference and the agreement between the Reviewer and me.

Sir John F. W. Herschel, Bart. &c.

Appendix GOF THE TRANSFORMATION OF HYPOTHESES IN THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE(Cam. Phil. Soc. May 19, 1851.)

1. THE history of science suggests the reflection that it is very difficult for the same person at the same time to do justice to two conflicting theories. Take for example the Cartesian hypothesis of vortices and the Newtonian doctrine of universal gravitation. The adherents of the earlier opinion resisted the evidence of the Newtonian theory with a degree of obstinacy and captiousness which now appears to us quite marvellous: while on the other hand, since the complete triumph of the Newtonians, they have been unwilling to allow any merit at all to the doctrine of vortices. It cannot but seem strange, to a calm observer of such changes, that in a matter which depends upon mathematical proofs, the whole body of the mathematical world should pass over, as in this and similar cases they seem to have done, from an opinion confidently held, to its opposite. No doubt this must be, in part, ascribed to the lasting effects of education and early prejudice. The old opinion passes away with the old generation: the new theory grows to its full vigour when its congenital disciples grow to be masters. John Bernoulli continues a Cartesian to the last; Daniel, his son, is a Newtonian from the first. Newton's doctrines are adopted at once in England, for they are the solution of a problem at which his contemporaries have been labouring for years. They find no adherents in France, where Descartes is supposed to have already explained the constitution of the world; and Fontenelle, the secretary of the Academy of Sciences at Paris, dies a Cartesian seventy years after the publication of Newton's Principia. This is, no doubt, a part of the explanation of the pertinacity with which opinions are held, both before and after a scientific revolution: but this is not the whole, nor perhaps the most instructive aspect of the subject. There is another feature in the change, which explains, in some degree, how it is possible that, in subjects, mainly at least mathematical, and therefore claiming demonstrative evidence, mathematicians should hold different and even opposite opinions. And the object of the present paper is to point out this feature in the successions of theories, and to illustrate it by some prominent examples drawn from the history of science.

2. The feature to which I refer is this; that when a prevalent theory is found to be untenable, and consequently, is succeeded by a different, or even by an opposite one, the change is not made suddenly, or completed at once, at least in the minds of the most tenacious adherents of the earlier doctrine; but is effected by a transformation, or series of transformations, of the earlier hypothesis, by means of which it is gradually brought nearer and nearer to the second; and thus, the defenders of the ancient doctrine are able to go on as if still asserting their first opinions, and to continue to press their points of advantage, if they have any, against the new theory. They borrow, or imitate, and in some way accommodate to their original hypothesis, the new explanations which the new theory gives, of the observed facts; and thus they maintain a sort of verbal consistency; till the original hypothesis becomes inextricably confused, or breaks down under the weight of the auxiliary hypotheses thus fastened upon it, in order to make it consistent with the facts.

This often-occurring course of events might be illustrated from the history of the astronomical theory of epicycles and eccentrics, as is well known. But my present purpose is to give one or two brief illustrations of a somewhat similar tendency from other parts of scientific history; and in the first place, from that part which has already been referred to, the battle of the Cartesian and Newtonian systems.

3. The part of the Cartesian system of vortices which is most familiarly known to general readers is the explanation of the motions of the planets by supposing them carried round the sun by a kind of whirlpool of fluid matter in which they are immersed: and the explanation of the motions of the satellites round their primaries by similar subordinate whirlpools, turning round the primary, and carried, along with it, by the primary vortex. But it should be borne in mind that a part of the Cartesian hypothesis which was considered quite as important as the cosmical explanation, was the explanation which it was held to afford of terrestrial gravity. Terrestrial gravity was asserted to arise from the motion of the vortex of subtle matter which revolved round the earth's axis and filled the surrounding space. It was maintained that by the rotation of such a vortex, the particles of the subtle matter would exert a centrifugal force, and by virtue of that force, tend to recede from the center: and it was held that all bodies which were near the earth, and therefore immersed in the vortex, would be pressed towards the center by the effort of the subtle matter to recede from the center353.

These two assumed effects of the Cartesian vortices—to carry bodies in their stream, as straws are carried round by a whirlpool, and to press bodies to the center by the centrifugal effort of the whirling matter—must be considered separately, because they were modified separately, as the progress of discussion drove the Cartesians from point to point. The former effect indeed, the dragging force of the vortex, as we may call it, would not bear working out on mechanical principles at all; for as soon as the law of motion was acknowledged (which Descartes himself was one of the loudest in proclaiming), that a body in motion keeps all the motion which it has, and receives in addition all that is impressed upon it; as soon, in short, as philosophers rejected the notion of an inertness in matter which constantly retards its movements,—it was plain that a planet perpetually dragged onwards in its orbit by a fluid moving quicker than itself, must be perpetually accelerated; and therefore could not follow those constantly-recurring cycles of quicker and slower motion which the planets exhibit to us.

The Cartesian mathematicians, then, left untouched the calculation of the progressive motion of the planets; and, clinging to the assumption that a vortex would produce a tendency of bodies to the center, made various successive efforts to construct their vortices in such a manner that the centripetal forces produced by them should coincide with those which the phenomena required, and therefore of course, in the end, with those which the Newtonian theory asserted.

In truth, the Cartesian vortex was a bad piece of machinery for producing a central force: from the first, objections were made to the sufficiency of its mechanism, and most of these objections were very unsatisfactorily answered, even granting the additional machinery which its defenders demanded. One formidable objection was soon started, and continued to the last to be the torment of the Cartesians. If terrestrial gravity, it was urged, arise from the centrifugal force of a vortex which revolves about the earth's axis, terrestrial gravity ought to act in planes perpendicular to the earth's axis, instead of tending to the earth's center. This objection was taken by James Bernoulli354, and by Huyghens355 not long after the publication of Descartes's Principia. Huyghens (who adopted the theory of vortices with modifications of his own) supposes that there are particles of the fluid matter which move about the earth in every possible direction, within the spherical space which includes terrestrial objects; and that the greater part of these motions being in spherical surfaces concentric with the earth, produces a tendency towards the earth's center.

This was a procedure tolerably arbitrary, but it was the best which could be done. Saurin, a little later356, gave nearly the same solution of this difficulty. The solution, identifying a vortex of some kind with a central force, made the hypothesis of vortices applicable wherever central forces existed; but then, in return, it deprived the image of a vortex of all that clearness and simplicity which had been its first great recommendation.

But still there remained difficulties not less formidable. According to this explanation of gravity, since the tendency of bodies to the earth's center arose from the superior centrifugal force of the whirling matter which pushed them inward as water pushes a light body upward, bodies ought to tend more strongly to the center in proportion as they are less dense. The rarest bodies should be the heaviest; contrary to what we find.

Descartes's original solution of this difficulty has a certain degree of ingenuity. According to him (Princip. IV. 23) a terrestrial body consists of particles of the third element, and the more it has of such particles, the more it excludes the parts of the celestial matter, from the revolution of which matter gravity arises; and therefore the denser is the terrestrial body, and the heavier it will be.

But though this might satisfy him, it could not satisfy the mathematicians who followed him, and tried to reduce his system to calculation on mechanical principles. For how could they do this, if the celestial matter, by the operation of which the phenomena of force and motion were produced, was so entirely different from ordinary matter, which alone had supplied men with experimental illustrations of mechanical principles? In order that the celestial matter, by its whirling, might produce the gravity of heavy bodies, it was mechanically necessary that it must be very dense; and dense in the ordinary sense of the term; for it was by regarding density in the ordinary sense of the term that the mechanical necessity had been established.

The Cartesians tried to escape this result (Huyghens, Pesanteur, p. 161, and John Bernoulli, Nouvelles Pensées, Art. 31) by saying that there were two meanings of density and rarity; that some fluids might be rare by having their particles far asunder, others, by having their particles very small though in contact. But it is difficult to think that they could, as persons well acquainted with mechanical principles, satisfy themselves with this distinction; for they could hardly fail to see that the mechanical effect of any portion of fluid depends upon the total mass moved, not on the size of its particles.