Thoughts on African Colonization

'Though delivered from the fetters of slavery, we are oppressed by an unreasonable, unrighteous, and cruel prejudice, which aims at nothing less, than the forcing away of all the free colored population of the United States to the distant shores of Africa. Far be it from me to impeach the motives of every member of the American Colonization Society. The civilizing and christianizing of that vast continent, and the extirpation of the abominable traffic in slaves, (which, notwithstanding all the laws passed for its suppression, is still carried on in all its horrors,) are no doubt the principal motives, which induce many to give it their support.

'But there are those, and those who are most active and influential in this cause, who hesitate not to say, that they wish to rid the country of the free colored population; and there is sufficient reason to believe that with many, this is the principal motive for supporting that Society; and that whether Africa is civilized or not, and whether the slave-trade be suppressed or not, they would wish to see the free colored people removed from this country to Africa.

'Africa could certainly be brought into a state of civil and religious improvement, without sending all the free people of color in the United States there.

'A few well-qualified missionaries, properly fitted out and supported, would do more for the instruction and improvement of the natives of that country, than a host of colonists, the greater part of whom would need to be instructed themselves, and all of whom for a long period would find enough to do to provide for themselves, instead of instructing the natives.

'How inconsistent are those who say, that Africa will be benefitted by the removal of the free people of color of the United States there, while they say, they are the most vile and degraded people in the world! – If we are as vile and degraded as they represent us, and they wish the Africans to be rendered a virtuous, enlightened and happy people, they should not think of sending us among them, lest we should make them worse instead of better.

'The colonies planted by white men on the shores of America, so far from benefitting the aborigines, corrupted their morals, and caused their ruin; and yet those who say we are the most vile people in the world, would send us to Africa, to improve the character and condition of the natives! Such arguments would not be listened to for a moment, were not the minds of the community strangely warped by prejudice.

'Those who wish that that vast continent should be compensated for the injuries done it, by sending thither the light of the gospel and the arts of civilized life, should aid in sending and supporting well qualified missionaries, who should be wholly devoted to the work of instruction, instead of sending colonists, who would be apt to turn the ignorance of the natives to their own advantage, and do them more harm than good.

'Much has also been said by colonizationists, about improving the character and condition of the people of color of this country, by sending them to Africa. This is more inconsistent still. We are to be improved by being sent far from civilized society. This is a novel mode of improvement. What is there in the burning sun, the arid plains, and barbarous customs of Africa, that is so peculiarly favorable to our improvement? What hinders our improving here, where schools and colleges abound, where the gospel is preached at every corner, and where all the arts and sciences are verging fast to perfection? Nothing, nothing but prejudice. It requires no large expenditures, no hazardous enterprises, to raise the people of color in the United States to as highly improved a state, as any class of the community. All that is necessary is, that those who profess to be anxious for it, should lay aside their prejudices, and act towards them as they do by others.

'We are NATIVES of this country; we ask only to be treated as well as FOREIGNERS. Not a few of our fathers suffered and bled to purchase its independence; we ask only to be treated as well as those who fought against it. We have toiled to cultivate it, and to raise it to its present prosperous condition; we ask only to share equal privileges with those who come from distant lands to enjoy the fruits of our labor. Let these moderate requests be granted, and we need not go to Africa nor any where else, to be improved and happy. We cannot but doubt the purity of the motives of those persons who deny us these requests, and would send us to Africa, to gain what they might give us at home.

'But they say, the prejudices of the country against us are invincible; and as they cannot be conquered, it is better that we should be removed beyond their influence. This plea should never proceed from the lips of any man, who professes to believe that a just God rules in the heavens.

'The American Colonization Society is a numerous and influential body. Would they lay aside their own prejudices, much of the burden would be at once removed; and their example (especially if they were as anxious to have justice done us here, as to send us to Africa,) would have such an influence upon the community at large, as would soon cause prejudice to hide its deformed head.

'But alas! the course which they have pursued, has an opposite tendency. By the scandalous misrepresentations, which they are continually giving of our character and conduct, we have sustained much injury, and have reason to apprehend much more.

'Without any charge of crime, we have been denied all access to places, to which we formerly had the most free intercourse; the colored citizens of other places, on leaving their homes, have been denied the privilege of returning; and others have been absolutely driven out.

'Has the Colonization Society had no effect in producing these barbarous measures?

'They profess to have no other object in view, than the colonizing of the free people of color on the coast of Africa, with their own consent; but if our homes are made so uncomfortable that we cannot continue in them; or if, like our brethren of Ohio and New Orleans, we are driven from them, and no other door is open to receive us but Africa, our removal there will be any thing but voluntary.

'It is very certain, that very few free people of color wish to go to that land. The Colonization Society know this, and yet they do certainly calculate, that in time they will have us all removed there.

'How can this be effected, but by making our situation worse here, and closing every other door against us?'44

'My attention was forcibly attracted by a communication in Mr Poulson's Daily Advertiser of the 16th inst. which states, that Mrs Stansbury of Trenton, N. J. has presented one thousand dollars to the Colonization Society. Now I think it is greatly to be regretted, that this highly generous and benevolent lady has been induced to make this donation for the purpose of conveying some of the superannuated slaves to Africa, when objects of much greater importance could be attained by offering a premium to master mechanics to take colored children as apprentices, so that they would become useful to themselves and others. It is an inquiry becoming of the utmost importance, what is to become of those children who are arriving at the age of manhood?

'I am greatly astonished that the ministers of the gospel should take so active a part, in endeavoring to convey the freemen of color to Africa. Even in Boston and New-York, they have taken the lead in support of this object. They cannot be aware of the great injury they will be the means of inflicting on us: instead of doing this, they should endeavor to remove prejudice, to ameliorate and improve the condition of the colored people by education, and by having their children placed in a situation to learn a trade. I hope, through the assistance of Divine Providence, that the Liberator may be the means (especially in Boston, the Cradle of Liberty and Independence) of guiding the people of this country in the path, which equal justice and the public good so evidently indicate.

'I have never conversed with an intelligent man of color, (not swayed by interested and sinister motives,) who was not decidedly opposed to leaving his home for the fatal clime of Africa. I am well acquainted with all the masters of vessels, belonging to this port, who have been to the coast of Africa; and they all agree in representing it as one of the most unhealthy countries in the latitude of 40. In the months of June and July, the thermometer is at from 88 to 90 degrees. What must it be, then, in the latitude of 6 or 7, under a vertical sun, and where, after the rainy season, the effluvium which arises from the putrefaction of vegetables is productive of the most fatal effects? Sir James L. Yeo agrees with their account, in his statement laid before the Admiralty of Great Britain.

'Has any one, in either of our southern States, given any thing like a thousand dollars to promote emigration to Africa? Not one has shown so much compassion for the oppressed slave. General Mercer, – who is, I believe, the President of the Colonization Society, – promised to emancipate his slaves, and to sell his large possessions in Virginia, and to remove with them to Africa – (my friends inform me, and I believe him to be one of the most humane and best of masters.) Mr Key, the great advocate, and the late Judge Washington, promised to liberate their slaves: I believe that neither of them has performed his promise.

'According to a statement made by Mr Key, they have removed in fourteen years about as many hundred emigrants. I will venture to say, that at least a half million have been born during the same period. We ask not their compassion and aid, in assisting us to emigrate to Africa: we are contented in the land that gave us birth, and for which many of our fathers fought and died, during the war which established our independence. I well remember that when the New England regiment marched through this city on their way to attack the English army under the command of Lord Cornwallis, there were several companies of colored people, as brave men as ever fought; and I saw those brave soldiers who fought at the battle of Red Bank, under Col. Green, where Count Donop the commander was killed, and the Hessians defeated. All this appears to be forgotten now; and the descendants of these men, to whom we are indebted for the part they took in the struggle for independence, are intended to be removed to a distant and inhospitable country, while the emigrants from every other country are permitted to seek an asylum here from oppression, and to enjoy the blessings of both civil and religious liberty, equally with those who are entitled to it by birthright.

'I think the ministers of the gospel might do much towards destroying the domestic slave trade, which breaks asunder the sacred ties of husband, wife and children. Not a voice is raised by them against this most cruel injustice. In the British colonies, this is not permitted; yet it exists in the only true republic on earth.'45

'My Friends and Countrymen: – I trust, by this time, you have known well my sentiments in relation to the American Colonization Society; and the great objects, which have been set forth, of a general union of interest, in funds and education, for the permanent establishment and furtherance of our prosperity, in this our native country.

'In addition to what has been already said on the subject, I shall briefly set forth some of the leading causes of our wretchedness and misery; and the prominent motives of the Colonization Society in sending us away. Much theory has been used, in the discussions upon our civil and political situation, in this country. We have been branded, in many instances, – may I not say, in the highest courts of the nation, courts of justice and equity, in public and family circles? – as being an inferior race of beings, not possessing like intellect and faculty with the whites. We are represented as being incapable of acting for ourselves; consequently not educated and qualified to be admitted into public places, to vindicate the integrity of our race, and the qualifications we are capable of acquiring. Many of our noble statesmen, orators and lawyers, have made our capital ring with the empty sound of inferiority, – degradation, – the impossibility of tolerating equality with the blacks. Sacred writ has been carefully examined by these gentlemen of science, and construed to suit their narrow consciences. Prophets have arisen among them, who hold forth to the people the continuation of our political thraldom, unless there be a general removal of all the free among us to the coast of Africa. Others argue, that, although they have good feelings towards us, and would do any thing for us, if we were out of their sight and out of the hearing of their slaves, yet to admit us into their circles would be to pervert the present order of society, and the happiness of the good white citizens of the country. These are generally bible men, such as hold forth the true oracles of God; yet deny him, in their actions and words, the supreme control over all his creatures. There is hardly ever an action performed, whether good or bad, but there is generally a reason given for so doing; and he is a wicked, daring character, who cannot find a cloak, at any time, to cover his hideous crimes. The men who have been foremost, in withholding from us our dearest and most sacred rights, have always held out false colors to the community at large, (such as, inferiority, degradation, nuisance, pest, slaves, species of monkey, apes, &c.) to justify their inhuman and unchristian acts towards us, and to deaden the severe pangs of conscience that harass them. They would wish to appear innocent before the world; as doing unto all men as they would they should do unto them. Do they base their objects, in full, upon such frivolous excuses as these? No. The truth is, actions speak louder than words. It is my candid opinion, there would have been no Colonization Society formed for our transportation to the western coast of Africa, had there been no free colored people, and did not our numbers increase daily. If we, as a free body of people, had remained in the same character with slaves, monkeys and baboons, there would not have been so much excitement in the community about us; but as they see by our improvement, (a great improvement, indeed, within forty years,) that the period is hastening on, 'when there will be no other alternative but we must rank among them in civilization, science and politics, they have got up this colonization scheme to persuade us to leave our slave brethren, and flee to the pestilential shores of Africa, where we shall be in danger of being forced to hang our harps upon the willows, and our song of liberty and civilization will be hushed by the impelling force of barbarian despots.'46

'And in pursuit of this great object [the elevation of the people of color] various ways and means have been resorted to; among others, the American Colonization Society is the most prominent. Not doubting the sincerity of many friends who are engaged in that cause; yet we beg leave to say, that it does not meet with our approbation. However great the debt which these United States may owe to injured Africa, and however unjustly her sons have been made to bleed, and her daughters to drink of the cup of affliction, still we who have been born and nurtured on this soil, we, whose habits, manners and customs are the same in common with other Americans, can never consent to take our lives in our hands, and be the bearers of the redress offered by that Society to that much afflicted country.

'Tell it not to barbarians, lest they refuse to be civilized, and eject our Christian missionaries from among them, that in the nineteenth century of the christian era, laws have been enacted in some of the States of this great republic, to compel an unprotected and harmless portion of our brethren to leave their homes and seek an asylum in foreign climes: and in taking a view of the unhappy situation of many of these, whom the oppressive laws alluded to, continually crowd into the Atlantic cities, dependent for their support upon their daily labor, and who often suffer for want of employment, we have had to lament that no means have yet been devised for their relief.'47

'The Convention has not been unmindful of the operations of the American Colonization Society; and it would respectfully suggest to that august body of learning, talent and worth, that, in our humble opinion, strengthened, too, by the opinions of eminent men in this country, as well as in Europe, that they are pursuing the direct road to perpetuate slavery, with all its unchristianlike concomitants, in this boasted land of freedom; and, as citizens and men whose best blood is sapped to gain popularity for that Institution, we would, in the most feeling manner, beg of them to desist: or, if we must be sacrificed to their philanthropy, we would rather die at home. Many of our fathers, and some of us, have fought and bled for the liberty, independence and peace which you now enjoy; and, surely, it would be ungenerous and unfeeling in you to deny us a humble and quiet grave in that country which gave us birth!'48

'Sir, upon the whole, my view of the operations of the Colonization Society, in relieving the slave States of the evil which weighs them down more than a hundred tariffs, is illustrated by an old fable, in which it is stated, that a man was seen at the foot of a mountain, scraping away the dust with his foot. One passing by, asked him what he was doing? I wish to remove this mountain, said he. You fool, replied the other, you can never do it in that way. Well, said he, I can raise a dust, can't I?

'Sir, I do not wish to censure the motives of this Society, but surely they are visionary. Its supporters are bewildered in their own dust, which is well calculated to injure the vision of good men. The Commercial Advertiser says they do indeed wish to wipe away from the national records the stain of slavery, "but hope it may be accomplished (as the Virginia Enquirer has it) surely but quietly." Yes, Sir, and quietly enough!

'Our ambition leads not to superiority, but to our freedom and political rights. Grant this! we ask no more! If the places in which we dwell are too straight for us and the white population, place us in a state far to the West – take us into the Union – give us our rights as freemen. Let the southern states make all born after a date not two years distant, free! and let the Colonization Society turn its attention and energies to the removing of liberated slaves there: the free people will go without their aid. But if the Government is fearful of retaliation, it may allay its fears by a consideration of the fact of there not being one freeman engaged in the late insurrections – of freemen informing against slaves – the peaceable manner in which we live in the neighborhoods of the south, and throughout the whole Union. The meetings that have lately been held, and resolutions passed expressive of our disapprobation of such measures, may all show that such fears are groundless. I repeat again —Give us our rights – we ask no more!

'Yes, Sir, if I possessed the Indies, I would pledge the whole that if such measures were taken, and such grants made, no retaliation would be made by us as a body for former evils.'49

'In no age of our existence have there been more pains taken by priests and people, in public and private, in church and state, to give them currency, than at present. The whole theme of that wicked, persecuting combination – the Colonization Society – is calculated to impress upon the mind of the public these atrocious maxims which every day strengthen a prejudice not only cherished by the whites against the blacks, but by the blacks against the whites. That foul fiend of hell, that destroying angel who hath power to take peace from the earth, and to kill with the sword, is gaining a commanding influence very fast over both parties. And who, but the advocates of the Colonization Society, receive him as a welcome guest? Who but they have built him a temple, and cried, "Long live Prejudice against free born Americans of sable hue!" Who but they are continually crying, "The free blacks are dangerous! the free blacks are dangerous! Away with them – away with them to Africa!" Who but they are the apologists for murder, theft, and all the horrid concomitants of slavery? Who but they have defiled our temples of worship dedicated to God for his service, making merchandise of the souls of men by transferring them over to the keeping of prejudice?'50

Other extracts might be recorded, but these must suffice. I have given the sentiments of the people of color as expressed individually, in public orations, in conventions of delegates, and in popular assemblies. Their proceedings evince a keen discrimination between true and false philanthropy, and an intellectual ability successfully to defend their cause. Their instincts are more than a match for the specious sophistry and learned sense of colonizationists: they meet them on every point, and on every point achieve a victory. Conscious of the fact that in their complexion is found the only motive for their banishment, they clearly illustrate the hypocrisy and injustice of the African crusade. Their union of purpose is such as cannot be broken. How intense is their love of country! how remarkable their patient endurance of wrongs! how strong their abhorrence of expatriation! how auspicious the talents which they display!

Every humane and honorable man will assent to the proposition, that no scheme for the removal of a numerous people from one continent to another, ought to be prosecuted contrary to their desires. A scheme cannot be benevolent which thrives upon persecution. Benevolent oppression is a solecism.

Another self-evident truth is, that no such removal can be effected merely by the presentation of selfish inducements, or without resorting to coercive measures. To show that coercion is openly advocated by some of the prominent supporters of the Colonization Society, I make the following extracts from the speeches of Messrs Broadnax and Fisher, delivered during the 'Great Debate' in the Virginia House of Delegates a short time since. Mr Broadnax said:

'IT IS IDLE TO TALK ABOUT NOT RESORTING TO FORCE. Every body must look to the introduction of force of some kind or other – and it is in truth a question of expediency; of moral justice; of political good faith – whether we shall fairly delineate our whole system on the face of the bill, or leave the acquisition of extorted consent to other processes. The real question – the only question of magnitude to be settled, is the great preliminary question – Do you intend to send the free persons of color out of Virginia, or not?'

'If the free negroes are willing to go, they will go – if not willing, they must be compelled to go. Some gentlemen think it politic not now to insert this feature in the bill, though they proclaim their readiness to resort to it when it becomes necessary; they think that for a year or two a sufficient number will consent to go, and then the rest can be compelled. For my part, I deem it better to approach the question and settle it at once, and avow it openly. The intelligent portion of the free negroes know very well what is going on. – Will they not see your debates? Will they not see that coercion is ultimately to be resorted to? They will perceive that the edict has gone forth, and that it must fall, if not now, in a short time upon them.'

'I have already expressed it as my opinion that few, very few, will voluntarily consent to emigrate, if no COMPULSORY MEASURE be adopted. – With it – many, in anticipation of its sure and certain arrival, will, in the mean time, go away – they will be sensible that the time would come when they would be forced to leave the State. Without it – you will still, no doubt, have applicants for removal equal to your means. Yes, Sir, people who will not only consent, but beg you to deport them. But what sort of consent– a consent extorted by a series of oppression calculated to render their situation among us insupportable. Many of those who have already been sent off, went with their avowed consent, but under the influence of a more decided compulsion than any which this bill holds out. I will not express, in its full extent, the idea I entertain of what has been done, or what enormities will be perpetrated to induce this class of persons to leave the State. Who does not know that when a free negro, by crime or otherwise, has rendered himself obnoxious to a neighborhood, how easy it is for a party to visit him one night, take him from his bed and family, and apply to him the gentle admonition of a severe flagellation, to induce him to consent to go away? In a few nights the dose can be repeated, perhaps increased, until, in the language of the physicians, quantum suff. has been administered to produce the desired operation; and the fellow then becomes perfectly willing to move away. I have certainly heard, if incorrectly, the gentleman from Southampton will put me right, that of the large cargo of emigrants lately transported from that country to Liberia, all of whom professed to be willing to go, were rendered so by some such severe ministrations as those I have described. A lynch club – a committee of vigilance – could easily exercise a kind of inquisitorial surveillance over any neighborhood, and convert any desired number, I have no doubt, at any time, into a willingness to be removed. But who really prefers such means as these to the course proposed in this bill? And one or the other is inevitable. For no matter how you change this bill – sooner or later the free negroes will be forced to leave the State. Indeed, Sir, ALL OF US LOOK TO FORCE of some kind or other, direct or indirect, moral or physical, legal or illegal. Many who are opposed, they say, to any compulsory feature in the bill, desire to introduce such severe regulations into our police laws – such restrictions of their existing privileges – such inability to hold property – obtain employment – rent residences, &c., as to make it impossible for them to remain amongst us. Is not this force?'