Juicio político a presidentes en Colombia (1982-2018)

11 “Impeachment is less likely when the legislature is controlled by the executive” (Pérez-Liñán y Polga-Hecimovich, 2016, p. 12).

12 “Presidents of varying political stripes who take office following a crisis can and do adjust their governing strategies to avoid—or at least reduce—both legislative and street-level opposition” (2011, p. 142).

13 Desde un punto de vista histórico, el congreso tiene mayores probabilidades de supremacía en una crisis presidencial, cuanto más nivel de democratización posea el régimen (Pérez-Liñán, 2005, p. 55): “Although the third wave of democratization has not reduced the incidence of interbranch dissolution throughout the region, there has been a slightly increasing trend toward congressional supremacy in these confrontations”.

14 “What President Rousseff decried as a “coup” was a characteristic example of opportunistic opponents ousting the president without democratic breakdown” (Pérez-Liñán y Polga-Hecimovich, 2016, p. 13).

15 “This conclusion is reinforced by the fact that civilian presidents in Latin America have become increasingly aggressive in their attempts to influence judicial appointments” (Pérez-Liñán y Castagnola, 2009, p. 109). Un análisis sobre el cargo judicial en 18 países de Latinoamérica entre 1994 y 2010 evidencia que un cambio constitucional es una forma de rotación judicial: “judicial instability is triggered not only by the adoption of new constitutions, but also by the adoption of specific amendments affecting the judiciary” (Pérez-Liñán y Castagnola, 2014, p. 412).

Конец ознакомительного фрагмента.

Текст предоставлен ООО «ЛитРес».

Прочитайте эту книгу целиком, купив полную легальную версию на ЛитРес.

Безопасно оплатить книгу можно банковской картой Visa, MasterCard, Maestro, со счета мобильного телефона, с платежного терминала, в салоне МТС или Связной, через PayPal, WebMoney, Яндекс.Деньги, QIWI Кошелек, бонусными картами или другим удобным Вам способом.